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Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...

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Chapter 4 • Nicola Mai<br />

dreams found them living in their destroyed homes, performing routine<br />

activities. To most, the disruption of these daily routines was the origin of<br />

their anxiety, sadness and irritability.<br />

Almost every person I interviewed had experienced violence, antagonism,<br />

repression, and discrimination. Moreover, each of the interviewees knew<br />

at least one or more people who had been killed or who had experienced a<br />

personal tragedy. While watching people retell their stories of pain and<br />

sorrow and noticing their transformation under the pressure of the resurgent<br />

pain, I was deeply shaken by their apparent sorrow, but even more so<br />

by what was not spoken; the pain that lingered above us during the interviews.<br />

The dynamics of repression and defence applied to that tremendous<br />

intensity of sorrow and pain often meant that those who were directly<br />

involved in a deeply sorrowful event did not mention it. The interviewers<br />

were often told these stories from other members of the family. One<br />

mother, for instance, forgot to discuss how her only son had been seriously<br />

wounded and his life endangered. She spoke of this later, and only when<br />

directly encouraged.<br />

These mechanisms of suppression prevailed in those who had personally<br />

encountered life-threatening situations, or who were closely related to<br />

someone who had. These people were reluctant to speak of their deeply<br />

unsettling personal experiences. In some cases, the stories appeared only<br />

after considerable encouragement from the interviewer. On several occasions<br />

their revival caused reactions too dangerous for the interviewees, and<br />

much experienced effort was needed to settle the deeply disturbing emotions<br />

evoked in the course of conversation.<br />

In most cases, the most painful memory was that of the moment people<br />

were forced to leave their homes. The experience of displacement and<br />

resettlement was, in fact, very disturbing for the vast majority of those<br />

interviewed, and the disruption of daily routines and of familiar, every day<br />

life activities, proved to be an ordeal for everyone. Because daily routines<br />

and social practices are essential to maintain a sense of ontological security,<br />

they play a pivotal role in sustaining and maintaining the subject’s<br />

psychological equilibrium. The more these routines are integral and rooted<br />

in the subject’s understanding of the meaning of his own presence in the<br />

world, the more deeply these routines have been disrupted, the more a person<br />

will tend to feel disoriented and the more vulnerable and fragile his/her<br />

psychological equilibrium will tend to be.<br />

Urbanized people, whether young or adult, usually reacted to the context<br />

of resettlement with more resilience, since the social and cultural environment<br />

in which they used to live is not so different from that to which they<br />

must adjust. Further, since their individual identities and family lives were<br />

108

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