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Psychosocial Notebook - IOM Publications - International ...

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Chapter 4 • Nicola Mai<br />

… People came with masks on their faces, forcing Albanians out [of their<br />

shops], which hurt them most, let me tell you, that forcing them out of<br />

their houses. They wouldn’t let them, I saw that personally, put on their<br />

shoes on their feet, but they forced them to go barefoot. Now, who these<br />

people were, nobody can tell, or dare tell. I said to one, “Why are you<br />

doing it like that, they are people too. Let them take something if they<br />

need to.” “You mind your business, and don’t meddle or you will go with<br />

them.” And of course, I could not say a thing any more. I saw that they<br />

were not the army, that they were not the police, who they were, who<br />

came there, I don’t know. [(G22) Serb woman, aged 60. The interviewee<br />

had a university degree, had come from an urban environment, and had<br />

experiences of friendship with Albanians].<br />

Question: You mentioned the volunteers. What was their role?<br />

Wife: Bad, they did most of…<br />

Husband: Well look, both the Shiptars and the Serbs were afraid of the<br />

volunteers. I have an example, when I was mobilized and<br />

the village I was sent to was filled with the volunteers, they<br />

are…<br />

Wife: They are worse than Shiptars.<br />

Husband: People locked themselves into their houses, that was how<br />

afraid they were, because they heard that from other villages<br />

that the volunteers come, drink a lot, shoot, and do things. I<br />

was in that village, you couldn’t hear a shot; but in my village,<br />

there was shooting all the time and problems of all<br />

sorts.<br />

Wife: A crazy Russian was throwing bombs around, constantly<br />

drunk. Nobody could go out. ---- village suffered much from<br />

the volunteers, and that is why they [Albanians] burned it<br />

down, those Serb houses, churches, they destroyed them all.<br />

There were cases of rape and burning the houses and robbery<br />

and such things. A volunteer, it is known what he does,<br />

the worst. And the active army, normally, like any other<br />

army, did nothing of the sort.<br />

[(G20): Young married couple from a suburban context, they were both<br />

employees before having to flee Kosovo. They feel that responsibility for<br />

the situation in Kosovo is to be sought at a political level].<br />

The main purpose of this set of questions was to register the convergence<br />

or gaps between the events as they were actually experienced, and the narratives<br />

provided by the various political and social actors who participated<br />

in, interpreted and even created these events. The majority of persons<br />

interviewed found a need to “make sense” of scattered events and<br />

emotions. Each of them, in different ways, tried to understand and explain<br />

to themselves why, in their own words, “the things that happened to them<br />

happened to them”. Some found a “culprit” or “culprits” and placed all of<br />

the responsibility on them, others had fatalistic inclinations and attributed<br />

their displacement and the loss of Kosovo to the destiny of the Serbian<br />

100

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