the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ...

the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ... the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ...

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At one 'extreme', are those who could be described as holding a traditional, resource-exploitative, growth-orientated view of resource management. They view the environment as a collection of goods and services of instrumental value to humans. Naturally, this is a strongly utilitarian and anthropocentric stance, and under this paradigm, intra-generational equity considerations are typically ignored, and it is immaterial who in a particular society receives the benefits or bears the costs of development. This stance would appear to have dominated much tourism development in developing countries to date. Also, future costs and benefits are given less weight than current costs and benefits. This can be justified on the grounds that the pursuit of economic development now, provides increasing material benefits, increasing consumer choice and need/aspiration satisfaction and, hence, improved human welfare. Resource scarcities can be mitigated by investment in new technologies to solve technical fixes and substitution mechanisms for environmental problems. As such, research and development expenditure (paid for by the prerequisite of continuing economic growth) contributes to a stock of human capital, including knowledge, that is inherited by future generations who will then be richer and more able to cope with any environmental cost burdens created by earlier generations (Hunter and Green, 1995). For those who cling to this world-view, sustainable development can be regarded as the equivalent to sustained economic growth, with no particular need for resource conservation. However, in the context of tourism, this attitude might result in a direct and short-term threat to economic activity if the resource which attract tourists are undermined. With regard to the appraisal of development projects, programmes and policies, the typical approach under the resource-exploitative paradigm is to utilise conventional cost-benefit analysis (CBA) as a narrow measure of economic efficiency of alternatives. While environmental impact assessment (EIA) might form part of the appraisal process, to gain a wider appreciation of associated environmental impacts, it is likely that the EIA would be regarded as a small, separate, 'add on' to the CBA. What's more likely is that the full range of environmental impacts will fail to be fully considered within the decision-making process (Hunter and Green, 1995). At the other 'extreme' of the development/conservation debate is what can be viewed as the extreme resource-preservationist, zero-growth world-view, which may 66

also be described as a 'deep ecology' or 'ecocentric' or 'bioethics' paradigm. Within this viewpoint, nature is not regarded as merely a conglomeration of goods and services of instrumental value to humans, but rather it is seen as having intrinsic or inherent value in itself. Nature therefore does not have to provide any function or service to humans in order to be of value. This notion presents constraints for decision-makers since intrinsic value cannot be quantified and therefore, is unable to appear on the balance-sheet of a particular development project, policy or programme. The effective result of this philosophy would be to keep the use of natural assets to the absolute minimal, so as not to deplete intrinsic value more than is absolutely necessary. This therefore involves a complete abandonment of the traditional CBA approach to the assessment of alternative developments, and even the use of EIA might be seen as irrelevant, since EIA is essentially a tool used within an anthropocentric context which recognises, implicitly, the right of humans to exploit natural resources (Hunter and Green, 1995). The extreme resource-preservationist view embraces only the use of technologies and products which minimise the loss of intrinsic value. Such an 'if in doubt, do nothing' approach to development and technological innovation can be criticised as overly constraining, and would naturally imply zero or negative world economic and human population growth. With regard to tourism, this might result in a tourist scene of a rather 'dull shade of green' (Pigram, 1990, p. 6). There is also the added risk that the conservation of intrinsic value in nature will be at the expense of social justice and even survival in the developing countries where economic growth is required to meet basic needs and increase quality of life. However, to the extreme preservationist, the idea of sustainable development might be seen as inherently ambiguous, since economic growth, as currently understood, can be regarded as fundamentally unsustainable. O'Riordan, for example, writes: 'Sustainability is becoming accepted as the mediating term which bridges the gap between developers and environmentalists. Its beguiling simplicity and apparently self-evident meaning have obscured its inherent ambiguity' (O'Riordan, 1989, p.93). For O'Riordan, and others, sustainable development serves as a profound challenge to the existing status quo, requiring a break with the traditional growth mentality of politicians and most existing institutions of economic investment and resource allocation. As such, it is possible to view development which implies economic 67

also be described as a 'deep ecology' or 'ecocentric' or 'bioethics' paradigm. With<strong>in</strong><br />

this viewpo<strong>in</strong>t, nature is not regarded as merely a conglomeration <strong>of</strong> goods and<br />

services <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>strumental value to humans, but ra<strong>the</strong>r it is seen as hav<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic or<br />

<strong>in</strong>herent value <strong>in</strong> itself. Nature <strong>the</strong>refore does not have to provide any function or<br />

service to humans <strong>in</strong> order to be <strong>of</strong> value. This notion presents constra<strong>in</strong>ts for<br />

decision-makers s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic value cannot be quantified and <strong>the</strong>refore, is unable to<br />

appear on <strong>the</strong> balance-sheet <strong>of</strong> a particular development project, policy or<br />

programme. The effective result <strong>of</strong> this philosophy would be to keep <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>natural</strong> assets to <strong>the</strong> absolute m<strong>in</strong>imal, so as not to deplete <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic value more than<br />

is absolutely necessary. This <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>in</strong>volves a complete abandonment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

traditional CBA approach to <strong>the</strong> assessment <strong>of</strong> alternative developments, and even<br />

<strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> EIA might be seen as irrelevant, s<strong>in</strong>ce EIA is essentially a tool used with<strong>in</strong><br />

an anthropocentric context which recognises, implicitly, <strong>the</strong> right <strong>of</strong> humans to exploit<br />

<strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>s (Hunter and Green, 1995).<br />

The extreme <strong>resource</strong>-preservationist view embraces only <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> technologies<br />

and products which m<strong>in</strong>imise <strong>the</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic value. Such an 'if <strong>in</strong> doubt, do<br />

noth<strong>in</strong>g' approach to development and technological <strong>in</strong>novation can be criticised as<br />

overly constra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g, and would <strong>natural</strong>ly imply zero or negative world economic and<br />

human population growth. With regard to <strong>tourism</strong>, this might result <strong>in</strong> a tourist scene<br />

<strong>of</strong> a ra<strong>the</strong>r 'dull shade <strong>of</strong> green' (Pigram, 1990, p. 6). There is also <strong>the</strong> added risk<br />

that <strong>the</strong> conservation <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic value <strong>in</strong> nature will be at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> social<br />

justice and even survival <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> develop<strong>in</strong>g countries where economic growth is<br />

required to meet basic needs and <strong>in</strong>crease quality <strong>of</strong> life. However, to <strong>the</strong> extreme<br />

preservationist, <strong>the</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> susta<strong>in</strong>able development might be seen as <strong>in</strong>herently<br />

ambiguous, s<strong>in</strong>ce economic growth, as currently understood, can be regarded as<br />

fundamentally unsusta<strong>in</strong>able. O'Riordan, for example, writes: 'Susta<strong>in</strong>ability is<br />

becom<strong>in</strong>g accepted as <strong>the</strong> mediat<strong>in</strong>g term which bridges <strong>the</strong> gap between<br />

developers and environmentalists. Its beguil<strong>in</strong>g simplicity and apparently self-evident<br />

mean<strong>in</strong>g have obscured its <strong>in</strong>herent ambiguity' (O'Riordan, 1989, p.93).<br />

For O'Riordan, and o<strong>the</strong>rs, susta<strong>in</strong>able development serves as a pr<strong>of</strong>ound challenge<br />

to <strong>the</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g status quo, requir<strong>in</strong>g a break with <strong>the</strong> traditional growth mentality <strong>of</strong><br />

politicians and most exist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>of</strong> economic <strong>in</strong>vestment and <strong>resource</strong><br />

allocation. As such, it is possible to view development which implies economic<br />

67

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