the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ...
the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ... the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ...
particular, its levels of success and sustainability are still not adequately known (Mbaiwa, 2004). 7.3.1 Background to Community Based Natural Resource Management The driving force behind the introduction of Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) in East and Southern Africa from the 1980s was a result of factors such as: the threat of species extinction due to the over-utilisation of resources, especially wildlife through poaching; the inability of the state to protect its declining wildlife resources; land use conflicts between rural communities living in resource areas and resource managers, especially wildlife managers; and the need to link conservation and development (Steiner and Rihoy, 1995). These factors led to the adoption of CBNRM as an alternative strategy of natural resource management. According to Mbanefo and de Boerr (1993), local involvement in natural resource use and management has been successfully implemented in Zimbabwe since 1986 through the Communal Area Management Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE). According to Ashley (1995), local involvement in natural resource management was implemented through the Living in a Finite Environment (LIFE) programme in Namibia. In Mozambique, it has been accomplished successfully through Tchuma Tchato 'Our Wealth', and in Kenya through the Conservation of Biodiversity Resource Areas Programme (COBRA), and in Tanzania through the Ujirani Mwena 'Good Neighbourliness' (Cruz, 1995; Masika, 1995). In Botswana, the involvement of communities in resource management is carried out through the Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) programme (Mbaiwa, 2004). The CBNRM approach combines rural development and natural resource conservation (Rozemeijer and van der Jagt, 2000). It is a reform of the conventional 'protectionist conservation philosophy' and 'top down' approaches to development, and it is based on common property theory which discourages open access resource management, and promotes resource use rights of the local communities (Rihoy, 1995). As an attempt to find alternative solutions to the failure of top-down approaches to development and conservation, CBNRM is based on the recognition that local people must have the power to decide over their natural resources in order to encourage sustainable development (Rozemeijer and van der Jagt, 2000). 318
CBNRM aims at alleviating poverty and advancing conservation through the strengthening of rural economies and empowering local communities to manage resources for their long-term social, economic and ecological benefits (Rozemeijer and van der Jagt, 2000). The adoption of CBNRM programmes is based on the assumption that local populations have a greater interest in the sustainable use of natural resources around them, more than centralised or distant government or private management institutions (Tsing et ai, 1999; Twyman, 2000). CBNRM credits the local inhabitants with having a greater understanding of, as well as vested interest in, their local environment. Hence, they may be seen as being more able to effectively manage natural resources through local or traditional practices (Leach et ai, 1999; Tsing et ai, 1999; Twyman, 2000). CBNRM assumes that once rural communities participate in natural resource utilisation and derive economic benefits, this will encourage the spirit of ownership and will ultimately lead to the sustainable use of the natural resources located in their area (Mbaiwa, 2004). Even though CBNRM is generally accepted as an alternative model of fostering the sustainable use of natural resources through community development, critics of the model note the following weaknesses with it: the lack of a clear criteria by which to judge whether CBNRM projects are sustainable and successful in meeting conservation and development targets (Western et ai, 1994; Boggs, 2002); marginalisation of minority groups (Taylor, 2000, 2001); inaccurate assumptions about communities and poorly conceived focus on community level organisation (Agrawal and Gibson, 1999); and inappropriate management strategies (Fortman et ai, 2001). Critics also note that there is a tendency by 'policy receivers' (local communities) who are the intended beneficiaries to be treated passively by the 'policy initiators' (Twyman, 1998, 2000); and that CBNRM projects rely heavily on expatriate expertise (Pimbert and Pretty, 1995; Twyman, 2000). Much of the literature on CBNRM is unrealistically optimistic and the high expectations have not been met. Consequently, Southern African communities are not benefiting as much as they should from CBNRM. The devolution of rights to communities is noted by Lawry (1994) as being insufficient without equal attention to how rights are distributed. The issue of the devolution of rights is related to the lack of understanding of institutional arrangements impeding CBNRM (Leach et ai, 1999). 319
- Page 291 and 292: Despite these conflicting employmen
- Page 294 and 295: According to the study carried out
- Page 296 and 297: management positions in the tourism
- Page 298 and 299: Seventy four percent of the 50 loca
- Page 300 and 301: Table 6.33: List of Private Air Cha
- Page 302 and 303: CHAPTER SEVEN Natural Resource Util
- Page 304 and 305: natural resources of water and pris
- Page 306 and 307: According to personal interviews co
- Page 308 and 309: • • • • • • • • Dea
- Page 310 and 311: Experience shows that some animals,
- Page 312 and 313: inhabitants of the Okavango Delta r
- Page 314 and 315: control is vested with central gove
- Page 316 and 317: conservation area. This led to conf
- Page 318 and 319: Table 7.4: Main Stakeholders, Land
- Page 320 and 321: 7.2.3.1 Arable Farming and Wildlife
- Page 322 and 323: Table 7.6: Livestock Ownership in K
- Page 324 and 325: Furthermore, the NCS has failed to
- Page 326 and 327: Botswana because populations of bot
- Page 328 and 329: Delta, while previously inhabitants
- Page 330 and 331: facilities that do not have boats,
- Page 332 and 333: • • • • • 7.2.6 Since the
- Page 334: different products, wood is perhaps
- Page 337 and 338: Today, Hyphaene petersiana palms as
- Page 339 and 340: populations in the rivers have drop
- Page 341: The importance of people remaining
- Page 345 and 346: the wildlife populations and their
- Page 347 and 348: no longer an important livelihood s
- Page 349 and 350: • • • • • • 7.3.4 Clari
- Page 351 and 352: Leases are given for 15 year period
- Page 353 and 354: Table 7.10: Community-Based Organis
- Page 355 and 356: 7.3.6.3 The Okavango Paler's Trust
- Page 357 and 358: at the same time allowing them to d
- Page 359 and 360: eports on financial management and
- Page 361 and 362: Table 7.11: Brief Review on Progres
- Page 363 and 364: their land, etc., such as cash, mea
- Page 365 and 366: 7.4 Summary and Conclusion While th
- Page 367 and 368: 8.2 Impacts of Tourism on Local Cul
- Page 369 and 370: tourists in an area provide a sourc
- Page 371 and 372: are left to perform all the traditi
- Page 373 and 374: 8.3.1 Positive Environmental Impact
- Page 375 and 376: the country. As a result, it is ass
- Page 377 and 378: most of these impacts remain unchec
- Page 379 and 380: According to Lovemore Sola of Conse
- Page 381 and 382: 8.3.2.2 Creation of Illegal Roads i
- Page 383 and 384: permeability. Pollutants can theref
- Page 385 and 386: iverine systems. According to Tache
- Page 387 and 388: implement laws and regulations cont
- Page 389 and 390: and resulted in the publication of
- Page 391 and 392: lowest, and substantial proportions
CBNRM aims at alleviat<strong>in</strong>g poverty and advanc<strong>in</strong>g conservation through <strong>the</strong><br />
streng<strong>the</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> rural economies and empower<strong>in</strong>g local communities to manage<br />
<strong>resource</strong>s for <strong>the</strong>ir long-term social, economic and ecological benefits (Rozemeijer<br />
and van der Jagt, 2000).<br />
The adoption <strong>of</strong> CBNRM programmes is based on <strong>the</strong> assumption that local<br />
populations have a greater <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> susta<strong>in</strong>able use <strong>of</strong> <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>s<br />
around <strong>the</strong>m, more than centralised or distant government or private <strong>management</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>stitutions (Ts<strong>in</strong>g et ai, 1999; Twyman, 2000). CBNRM credits <strong>the</strong> local <strong>in</strong>habitants<br />
with hav<strong>in</strong>g a greater understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong>, as well as vested <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong>, <strong>the</strong>ir local<br />
environment. Hence, <strong>the</strong>y may be seen as be<strong>in</strong>g more able to effectively manage<br />
<strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>s through local or traditional practices (Leach et ai, 1999; Ts<strong>in</strong>g et<br />
ai, 1999; Twyman, 2000). CBNRM assumes that once rural communities participate<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong> utilisation and derive economic benefits, this will encourage <strong>the</strong><br />
spirit <strong>of</strong> ownership and will ultimately lead to <strong>the</strong> susta<strong>in</strong>able use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>natural</strong><br />
<strong>resource</strong>s located <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir area (Mbaiwa, 2004).<br />
Even though CBNRM is generally accepted as an alternative model <strong>of</strong> foster<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />
susta<strong>in</strong>able use <strong>of</strong> <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>s through community development, critics <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
model note <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g weaknesses with it: <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> a clear criteria by which to<br />
judge whe<strong>the</strong>r CBNRM projects are susta<strong>in</strong>able and successful <strong>in</strong> meet<strong>in</strong>g<br />
conservation and development targets (Western et ai, 1994; Boggs, 2002);<br />
marg<strong>in</strong>alisation <strong>of</strong> m<strong>in</strong>ority groups (Taylor, 2000, 2001); <strong>in</strong>accurate assumptions<br />
about communities and poorly conceived focus on community level organisation<br />
(Agrawal and Gibson, 1999); and <strong>in</strong>appropriate <strong>management</strong> strategies (Fortman et<br />
ai, 2001). Critics also note that <strong>the</strong>re is a tendency by 'policy receivers' (local<br />
communities) who are <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tended beneficiaries to be treated passively by <strong>the</strong><br />
'policy <strong>in</strong>itiators' (Twyman, 1998, 2000); and that CBNRM projects rely heavily on<br />
expatriate expertise (Pimbert and Pretty, 1995; Twyman, 2000). Much <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
literature on CBNRM is unrealistically optimistic and <strong>the</strong> high expectations have not<br />
been met. Consequently, Sou<strong>the</strong>rn African communities are not benefit<strong>in</strong>g as much<br />
as <strong>the</strong>y should from CBNRM. The devolution <strong>of</strong> rights to communities is noted by<br />
Lawry (1994) as be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>sufficient without equal attention to how rights are<br />
distributed. The issue <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> devolution <strong>of</strong> rights is related to <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong><br />
understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutional arrangements imped<strong>in</strong>g CBNRM (Leach et ai, 1999).<br />
319