the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ...
the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ... the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ...
viewed as contrary to progress (Wood, 1993). As such, development is therefore considered to be the spread of a system of universal values, or rather, of providing the underdeveloped nations and regions with the means by which universal goals of economic growth and prosperity can be achieved (Meethan, 2001). 3.6 Theories of Development According to both the modern pioneers of development economics, such as Rosenstein-Rodan, Chenery, Hirshman and Lewis, as well as the neoclassical development theorists, such as Bhagwati and Krueger, economic development is a growth process that requires the systematic reallocation of factors of production from a low-productivity, traditional technology, decreasing returns, mostly primary sector to a high productivity, modern, increasing returns, mostly industrial sector. However, while neoclassical development economists assume that there are few technological and institutional impediments to the required resource-reallocation, the modern development pioneers assume that the resource reallocation process is impeded by rigidities, which are both technological and institutional in nature. Investment lumpiness, inadequate infrastructure, imperfect foresight, and incomplete and missing markets hamper smooth resource transfer among sectors (Adelman and Morris, 2001). Modern development theorists emphasised that long-term economic growth is a highly non-linear process. This process is characterised by the existence of multiple stable equilibria, such as a low-income-Ievel trap. Developing countries are caught in the low-income-Ievel trap which occurs at low levels of physical capital, both productive and infrastructural, and is maintained by low levels of accumulation and by uncontrolled population growth. Industrial production experiences technical indivisibilities, which result in technological and monetary externalities. However, coordination failures lead to systematically lower rates of return from investments based on individual profit maximisation than from those that could be realised with co-ordinated, simultaneous investment programmes. Uncoordinated investments do not allow for the realisation of the inherent increasing returns of scale and, together with low incomes, which restrict levels of savings and aggregate demand, ensnare an economy starting at low levels of income and capital in a low-income-Ievel trap. 96
Hence, the government must take action to propel the economy from the uncoordinated, low-income, no-Iong-run-growth static equilibrium to the co ordinated, high-income, dynamic equilibrium, 'golden-growth' path (Adelman and Morris, 2001). Neoclassical development theorists hold the view that internal trade can provide a substitute for low aggregate demand. They state that the only things governments need do to position an economy on an autonomous, sustained-growth path is to remove barriers to international trade in commodities. Hence, in this view, domestic and international liberalisation programmes suffice to bring about sustained economic growth and structural change (Adelman and Morris, 2001). 3.6.1 Development Theories and Tourism Different paradigms or styles of development can be applied to tourism and common strands within the various paradigms and theories can be used to describe and explain the evolution of tourism and provide pointers towards potential new directions (France, 1997). The classic approach to development, which is top-down, state instigated and expert-led, generally involves a three stage process where problems and opportunities are identified by external agents; technical measures are developed and selected by the state, with the co-operation of the community; and plans are implemented through a mixture of encouragement and coercion (Blaikie, 1996). Resultant failures tend to be partly technical, due to inadequate research; partly a result of a lack of fit between techniques adopted and local lifestyles; and partly due to the inadequacies of state bureaucracies (Blaikie, 1996). Aspects of modernisation theory and underdevelopment theory, as applied to tourism show some similarities with these concepts. The top-down, expert-led approach is apparent in the control exerted by multinational companies, with their external capital, expertise, technology and ideas. Generally operating in a neo-colonial role, they either disregard local tradition and culture (underdevelopment theory) or view it as being antithetical (modernisation theory), which is one of the failures clearly identified in relation to the classic approach to tourism. The entrepreneurial role of elites and the lack of planning control over large-scale package tourism that is generally aimed at 97
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viewed as contrary to progress (Wood, 1993). As such, development is <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
considered to be <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong> a system <strong>of</strong> universal values, or ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>of</strong> provid<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>the</strong> underdeveloped nations and regions with <strong>the</strong> means by which universal goals <strong>of</strong><br />
economic growth and prosperity can be achieved (Meethan, 2001).<br />
3.6 Theories <strong>of</strong> Development<br />
Accord<strong>in</strong>g to both <strong>the</strong> modern pioneers <strong>of</strong> development economics, such as<br />
Rosenste<strong>in</strong>-Rodan, Chenery, Hirshman and Lewis, as well as <strong>the</strong> neoclassical<br />
development <strong>the</strong>orists, such as Bhagwati and Krueger, economic development is a<br />
growth process that requires <strong>the</strong> systematic reallocation <strong>of</strong> factors <strong>of</strong> production from<br />
a low-productivity, traditional technology, decreas<strong>in</strong>g returns, mostly primary sector<br />
to a high productivity, modern, <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g returns, mostly <strong>in</strong>dustrial sector. However,<br />
while neoclassical development economists assume that <strong>the</strong>re are few technological<br />
and <strong>in</strong>stitutional impediments to <strong>the</strong> required <strong>resource</strong>-reallocation, <strong>the</strong> modern<br />
development pioneers assume that <strong>the</strong> <strong>resource</strong> reallocation process is impeded by<br />
rigidities, which are both technological and <strong>in</strong>stitutional <strong>in</strong> nature. Investment<br />
lump<strong>in</strong>ess, <strong>in</strong>adequate <strong>in</strong>frastructure, imperfect foresight, and <strong>in</strong>complete and<br />
miss<strong>in</strong>g markets hamper smooth <strong>resource</strong> transfer among sectors (Adelman and<br />
Morris, 2001).<br />
Modern development <strong>the</strong>orists emphasised that long-term economic growth is a<br />
highly non-l<strong>in</strong>ear process. This process is characterised by <strong>the</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> multiple<br />
stable equilibria, such as a low-<strong>in</strong>come-Ievel trap. Develop<strong>in</strong>g countries are caught <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> low-<strong>in</strong>come-Ievel trap which occurs at low levels <strong>of</strong> physical capital, both<br />
productive and <strong>in</strong>frastructural, and is ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed by low levels <strong>of</strong> accumulation and<br />
by uncontrolled population growth. Industrial production experiences technical<br />
<strong>in</strong>divisibilities, which result <strong>in</strong> technological and monetary externalities. However,<br />
coord<strong>in</strong>ation failures lead to systematically lower rates <strong>of</strong> return from <strong>in</strong>vestments<br />
based on <strong>in</strong>dividual pr<strong>of</strong>it maximisation than from those that could be realised with<br />
co-ord<strong>in</strong>ated, simultaneous <strong>in</strong>vestment programmes. Uncoord<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>in</strong>vestments do<br />
not allow for <strong>the</strong> realisation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>herent <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g returns <strong>of</strong> scale and, toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
with low <strong>in</strong>comes, which restrict levels <strong>of</strong> sav<strong>in</strong>gs and aggregate demand, ensnare<br />
an economy start<strong>in</strong>g at low levels <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>come and capital <strong>in</strong> a low-<strong>in</strong>come-Ievel trap.<br />
96