the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ...
the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ... the role of tourism in natural resource management in the okavango ...
ecoming more inclined towards 'do-it-yourself or self-catering holidays. In the USA, the pattern was somewhat different, showing a notable decline in the traditional two week break, and the growing popularity of more frequent but shorter weekend breaks (Chon and Singh, 1995; Shaw and Williams, 1997). However, mass tourism, and the domestic tourist spaces of modernity had not disappeared, but rather relocated to the Mediterranean coast, particularly Spain, for the European market, and Latin America and the Caribbean for the North American market (Chant, 1992; Gayle and Goodrich, 1993; Priestly, 1995). Regardless of national or even regional differences, the overall trend showed greater variation in the pattern of holiday consumption. In particular, the increasing popularity of short off-season breaks, and the rise of new urban-based forms of tourism, led to a distinct move away from the mass provision of domestic standard holidays into more fragmented and diversified markets (Meethan, 2001). In short, within the developed economies the tourist spaces of modernity were under an increasing number of threats. Competition was no longer between resorts within a domestic market, but between home resorts and international destinations. In addition, a further threat was posed by the post-industrial cities and regions developing urban and heritage tourism (Meethan, 2001). 3.2.4 Revitalising Urban Space The industrial downturn which the manufacturing regions and localities of the developed economies began experiencing from the late 1970s meant that new forms of investment and employment had to be found, and the growing tourism and leisure market began to be viewed as a sector capable of generating economic growth. The need for local and regional economies to diversify, due to the above mentioned reasons, gave rise to the development of new tourist spaces, primarily based on urban heritage attractions (Law, 1993; Judd, 1995; Page, 1995; Meethan, 1996; Judd and Fainstein, 1999). Even though many of the larger cities had always attracted tourists, the biggest obstacles were those of perception and image. As holidays were traditionally taken away from the centres of industrialisation, the divide between work and leisure space created through the differentiation of modernity was as much conceptual and symbolic as it was actual (Meethan, 2001). 86
The successful creation or invention of these spaces of consumption was also part of a wider series of changes by which urban living was undergoing a process of re evaluation within all the advanced industrial nations (Smith, 1988; Bagguley et aI, 1990). From the 1930s onwards, cities within the developed economies became increasingly suburbanised, a trend more apparent in the United Kingdom and Anglophone countries such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA. The suburbs became the home of the urban middle class and many inner city areas experienced a spiral of decline. However, during the 1970s the mass movement to the suburbs by the middle classes began to undergo a reversal as people started to move back into the inner city areas. This became known as gentrification, a process of the middle class replacing the working class, leading to increasing property values, alteration in the built environment and the emergence of a new urban lifestyle (Savage and Warde, 1993). This re-evaluation of urban life coincided with the invention and development of heritage and urban conservation movements and the emergence of postmodernism in architecture and design. According to Judd and Fainstein (1999), the significance of such developments for tourism should not be underestimated. Zukin (1995; 1998) for example, notes how gentrification resulted in the development of spaces of urban consumption which are inextricably linked to new patterns of leisure, travel and culture. The same general pattern is present in urban areas around the globe. What is significant here is the way that the more intangible aesthetic elements of place became commodified for the purposes of economic growth. Heritage and the general quality of the urban environment became added value to attract inward investment (Meethan, 2001). It is clear that the rediscovery or re-evaluation of urbanisation which began as gentrification has had significant impacts on not only the pattern of life and culture within cities, but also in terms of the opportunities it offers for new forms of tourism. The modernist spaces of mass tourism and consumption are giving way to a more diverse and fragmented situation, and although such developments are clearly linked to the need for economic diversification, one question immediately presents 87
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- Page 81 and 82: water, however, inhibits the natura
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- Page 85 and 86: 1981). Butler (1991) recognises tha
- Page 87 and 88: economic growth in developed countr
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- Page 91 and 92: also be described as a 'deep ecolog
- Page 93 and 94: Having highlighted the general conc
- Page 95 and 96: • • • • • • Follow ethi
- Page 97 and 98: The English Tourist Board (1991, ci
- Page 99 and 100: as ideas and technologies on the pa
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- Page 103 and 104: 2.14 Summary and Conclusion This ch
- Page 105 and 106: conceptualised as a global process
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- Page 109: extent that the quality of life wit
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- Page 123 and 124: develop with other sectors of the e
- Page 125 and 126: Methodology 4.1 Introduction CHAPTE
- Page 127 and 128: hypothesised, further, that tourism
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- Page 138: development and changes in traditio
- Page 141: Review of selected international an
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- Page 148 and 149: ate and economic progress seldom pa
- Page 150 and 151: percent growth targeted in Vision 2
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ecom<strong>in</strong>g more <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed towards 'do-it-yourself or self-cater<strong>in</strong>g holidays. In <strong>the</strong> USA,<br />
<strong>the</strong> pattern was somewhat different, show<strong>in</strong>g a notable decl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> traditional two<br />
week break, and <strong>the</strong> grow<strong>in</strong>g popularity <strong>of</strong> more frequent but shorter weekend<br />
breaks (Chon and S<strong>in</strong>gh, 1995; Shaw and Williams, 1997).<br />
However, mass <strong>tourism</strong>, and <strong>the</strong> domestic tourist spaces <strong>of</strong> modernity had not<br />
disappeared, but ra<strong>the</strong>r relocated to <strong>the</strong> Mediterranean coast, particularly Spa<strong>in</strong>, for<br />
<strong>the</strong> European market, and Lat<strong>in</strong> America and <strong>the</strong> Caribbean for <strong>the</strong> North American<br />
market (Chant, 1992; Gayle and Goodrich, 1993; Priestly, 1995). Regardless <strong>of</strong><br />
national or even regional differences, <strong>the</strong> overall trend showed greater variation <strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> pattern <strong>of</strong> holiday consumption. In particular, <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g popularity <strong>of</strong> short<br />
<strong>of</strong>f-season breaks, and <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> new urban-based forms <strong>of</strong> <strong>tourism</strong>, led to a<br />
dist<strong>in</strong>ct move away from <strong>the</strong> mass provision <strong>of</strong> domestic standard holidays <strong>in</strong>to more<br />
fragmented and diversified markets (Meethan, 2001).<br />
In short, with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> developed economies <strong>the</strong> tourist spaces <strong>of</strong> modernity were under<br />
an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g number <strong>of</strong> threats. Competition was no longer between resorts with<strong>in</strong><br />
a domestic market, but between home resorts and <strong>in</strong>ternational dest<strong>in</strong>ations. In<br />
addition, a fur<strong>the</strong>r threat was posed by <strong>the</strong> post-<strong>in</strong>dustrial cities and regions<br />
develop<strong>in</strong>g urban and heritage <strong>tourism</strong> (Meethan, 2001).<br />
3.2.4 Revitalis<strong>in</strong>g Urban Space<br />
The <strong>in</strong>dustrial downturn which <strong>the</strong> manufactur<strong>in</strong>g regions and localities <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
developed economies began experienc<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> late 1970s meant that new<br />
forms <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>vestment and employment had to be found, and <strong>the</strong> grow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>tourism</strong> and<br />
leisure market began to be viewed as a sector capable <strong>of</strong> generat<strong>in</strong>g economic<br />
growth. The need for local and regional economies to diversify, due to <strong>the</strong> above<br />
mentioned reasons, gave rise to <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> new tourist spaces, primarily<br />
based on urban heritage attractions (Law, 1993; Judd, 1995; Page, 1995; Meethan,<br />
1996; Judd and Fa<strong>in</strong>ste<strong>in</strong>, 1999). Even though many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> larger cities had always<br />
attracted tourists, <strong>the</strong> biggest obstacles were those <strong>of</strong> perception and image. As<br />
holidays were traditionally taken away from <strong>the</strong> centres <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dustrialisation, <strong>the</strong> divide<br />
between work and leisure space created through <strong>the</strong> differentiation <strong>of</strong> modernity was<br />
as much conceptual and symbolic as it was actual (Meethan, 2001).<br />
86