Teacher Learning in a Community of Practice: A Case Study of ...

Teacher Learning in a Community of Practice: A Case Study of ... Teacher Learning in a Community of Practice: A Case Study of ...

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1.3.1 A brief outline of policy development in teacher education since the mid­ nineties Policy development in teacher education has been prolific since the mid 1990s. While Welch is ofthe view that efforts to base educational policy in South Africa on sound research especially with regard to curriculum has at times been 'visionary' (Welch 2002), Harley and Wedekind argue that the most influential and radical policy, namely, "... C200S did not arise from a 'situational analysis' ofexisting realities. Teachers, and probably most teacher educators, simply found themselves in a new curriculum world" (Harley and Wedekind 2004: 199). Sayed (2004) concurs that South African education policy comprises symbolic gestures and government initiatives that are out ofsync with the 'realities on the ground' . He describes educational policy change in South Africa as 'symbolic rhetoric' (ibid.). In 1994, the newly-elected government created one national and nine provincial education departments, in terms ofthe interim constitution. The interim constitution made provision for the establishment ofnew structures with legislative authority, such as the Education Labour Relations Council (ELRC), South African Qualifications Authority (SAQA), and the South African Council for Educators (SACE). In 1995, a significant development in education legislation was the establishment of SAQA and the NQF (National Qualifications Framework). Several policy documents emerged, including White Papers 1 and 2, and the NCHE (National Council for Higher Education) report. The National Education Policy Act and the South African Schools Act set out the objectives, roles and responsibilities for the national and provincial departments, and other education stakeholders. During this period, while broader structural and policy formulation had progressed quite quickly, the quality ofeducation at the level ofschools and classrooms remained unchanged (Parker 2002). Nine new provincial government departments came into being in 1994. One ofthe first initiatives ofthe national DoE was to commission a national Teacher Education Audit. The focus ofthe audit was to analyse teacher demand, supply and utilisation, so as to 15

frame models for projecting future needs. It was also commissioned to conduct an evaluation of all teacher education institutions and programmes in relation to their capacity to provide in-service and pre-service teacher education. The audit revealed the existence ofa diverse collection ofcolleges of education, with unique qualifications and curricula. There were approximately 150 public institutions providing teacher education to approximately 200 000 students. By 2000, these numbers had decreased to 82 public institutions providing teacher education to 110 000 students (Parker 2002). In 1997, the Higher Education Act made all teacher education part ofthe higher education system. This shift changed colleges ofeducation from being a provincial competence to a national competence, which resulted in the "radical transformation of teacher education.. 0 " (Parker 2002:5). This transfoimation took place when complex macro-economic policy was being advocated by the national government. In fact, during the period 1997 - 1999, a stringent fiscal framework was envisioned within the context of the Growth Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy, a strategy that has since been 'abandoned' by the South African government. The state had to deal with the tension ofexercising tight control over expenditure, and at the same time ensuring the redress ofpast inequalities and the provision ofbasic public services (including education) to the most disadvantaged people. While such moves were embraced fairly quickly by national competences such as the Ministry ofFinance, the Reserve Bank and the Department of State Expenditure, provincial competences were much slower to react and as a result, by the end of 1999, "limited progress had been made in these areas" (Parker 2002:3). In his analysis ofthe policy rationale for the reconfiguration of teacher education in South Africa, Sayed (2004) is ofthe view that policies since 1994 "0.0 are a betrayal ofthe ideals and goals that underpinned the anti­ apartheid struggle", and suggests that "... previously radical ideas and commitments have been diluted and modified under the weight ofpragmatic concerns" (Sayed 2004:250). He warns that privilege has been maintained and equity has been compromised. In theorising this change, he describes it as 'loss ofinnocence' and as a 'necessary cost saving' where the emphasis in teacher education is on efficiency, central control and 16

1.3.1 A brief outl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> policy development <strong>in</strong> teacher education s<strong>in</strong>ce the mid­<br />

n<strong>in</strong>eties<br />

Policy development <strong>in</strong> teacher education has been prolific s<strong>in</strong>ce the mid 1990s. While<br />

Welch is <strong>of</strong>the view that efforts to base educational policy <strong>in</strong> South Africa on sound<br />

research especially with regard to curriculum has at times been 'visionary' (Welch 2002),<br />

Harley and Wedek<strong>in</strong>d argue that the most <strong>in</strong>fluential and radical policy, namely, "...<br />

C200S did not arise from a 'situational analysis' <strong>of</strong>exist<strong>in</strong>g realities. <strong>Teacher</strong>s, and<br />

probably most teacher educators, simply found themselves <strong>in</strong> a new curriculum world"<br />

(Harley and Wedek<strong>in</strong>d 2004: 199). Sayed (2004) concurs that South African education<br />

policy comprises symbolic gestures and government <strong>in</strong>itiatives that are out <strong>of</strong>sync with<br />

the 'realities on the ground' . He describes educational policy change <strong>in</strong> South Africa as<br />

'symbolic rhetoric' (ibid.).<br />

In 1994, the newly-elected government created one national and n<strong>in</strong>e prov<strong>in</strong>cial<br />

education departments, <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong>the <strong>in</strong>terim constitution. The <strong>in</strong>terim constitution<br />

made provision for the establishment <strong>of</strong>new structures with legislative authority, such as<br />

the Education Labour Relations Council (ELRC), South African Qualifications Authority<br />

(SAQA), and the South African Council for Educators (SACE). In 1995, a significant<br />

development <strong>in</strong> education legislation was the establishment <strong>of</strong> SAQA and the NQF<br />

(National Qualifications Framework). Several policy documents emerged, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g<br />

White Papers 1 and 2, and the NCHE (National Council for Higher Education) report.<br />

The National Education Policy Act and the South African Schools Act set out the<br />

objectives, roles and responsibilities for the national and prov<strong>in</strong>cial departments, and<br />

other education stakeholders. Dur<strong>in</strong>g this period, while broader structural and policy<br />

formulation had progressed quite quickly, the quality <strong>of</strong>education at the level <strong>of</strong>schools<br />

and classrooms rema<strong>in</strong>ed unchanged (Parker 2002).<br />

N<strong>in</strong>e new prov<strong>in</strong>cial government departments came <strong>in</strong>to be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> 1994. One <strong>of</strong>the first<br />

<strong>in</strong>itiatives <strong>of</strong>the national DoE was to commission a national <strong>Teacher</strong> Education Audit.<br />

The focus <strong>of</strong>the audit was to analyse teacher demand, supply and utilisation, so as to<br />

15

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