Teacher Learning in a Community of Practice: A Case Study of ...

Teacher Learning in a Community of Practice: A Case Study of ... Teacher Learning in a Community of Practice: A Case Study of ...

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stemmed from a discussion at the TEMS workshop where the issue of corporal punishment had surfaced. Some teachers had voiced their disapproval ofthe practice and reflected on how it had affected them as pupilS. Some questioned whether they were prepared to accept the practice ofcorporal punishment ifit were meted out to their own (biological) children. The issues that emerged (although not all teachers appeared convinced at the time), was that there was no need for pupils to be terrified oftheir teachers and that'good' teachers generally earned the respect oftheir pupils. This discussion appeared to have had a marked impression on Ben and his approach to his own class. Although classroom rituals such as the pupils' rhythmic clapping ofhands and standing up to answer questions were still very present in Ben's lessons, they were not as pronounced as they had been in the first lesson. Ben had begun to ask more questions and was more tolerant ofincorrect answers. However, the quality ofthe engagement and questions asked still required simple recall ofinformation. Pupil involvement took the form ofverbal responses to the teacher's questions and a five-minute paired 'activity' requiring pupils to respond to three straightforward recall questions. Ben still preferred not to maintain any form oflesson plan. Apart from the chalkboard no charts, pictures, worksheets, texts or other teaching resources were used in this lesson. Evidence from the transcripts above indicates that Ben's practice had shifted minimally. While 'questioning and rapport' and 'pupil involvement' had changed from being weak and non-existent to becoming scant and still inadequate, 'teaching resources' remained non-existent. 6.3.6 A synopsis of Section Two From the above analysis ofBen and Debbie, it is clear that learning had occurred for both teachers. The nature and extent of the learning was, however, markedly different for both teachers. Debbie's career trajectory and history ofongoing reading and study allowed her to embrace the new EMS learning area with well-developed skills. Debbie's 'superior' cultural capital (Bourdieu 1986), that is her disposition and way ofthinking, knowledge, 245

skills, attitudes (high expectations) and post graduate education augured well for her to 'succeed' and benefit in profound ways in the TEMS community. She had developed an intrinsic desire to read and broaden her knowledge and regularly used the TEMS forum to engage with other teachers on issues that were important to her. Ben on the other hand had not been involved in formal study for more than twenty years. He had been a product ofa repressive education system both as a school pupil and as a training teacher. He rarely prepared any ofhis lessons and did not see the need for any kind ofrecord thereof. Accountability structures were virtually non-existent in Ben's school. Debbie's financial position was stable. Her economic capital (ibid.) was not a cause for concern and did not dictate in any significant way the kinds oflife choices she had to make. Ben on the other hand had experienced much instability and uncertainty with regard to his financial status. During most ofhis adult life, his main concern was economic survival. As far as Debbie's personal and professional life was concerned, she appeared relatively settled and secure in her current position. She was an established languages teacher and belonged to the languages committee. The school conditions under which she worked were significantly better than Ben's. Her school appeared to have structure and quality assurance mechanisms in place that made Debbie accountable to school management for all aspects ofher professional work. Debbie accepted this as part ofwhat was required of her. This social capital (ibid.) as represented by her access to resources based on group membership, relationships, networks ofinfluence and support, enhanced her potential to move from peripheral to full membership ofthe TEMS community. This was in sharp contrast to Ben who was at the mercy ofhis principal. Ben's tenure at his school was uncertain and depended on his principal's perception ofhim. Ben had returned to the teaching profession after a failed business venture. He had not secured a place for himself at the school and had weak affiliations to established networks of teachers. He was in an unenviable position in that in order to retain a post at his school, he had to accept any teaching subject that was thrust upon him He tried to project an 246

stemmed from a discussion at the TEMS workshop where the issue <strong>of</strong> corporal<br />

punishment had surfaced. Some teachers had voiced their disapproval <strong>of</strong>the practice and<br />

reflected on how it had affected them as pupilS. Some questioned whether they were<br />

prepared to accept the practice <strong>of</strong>corporal punishment ifit were meted out to their own<br />

(biological) children. The issues that emerged (although not all teachers appeared<br />

conv<strong>in</strong>ced at the time), was that there was no need for pupils to be terrified <strong>of</strong>their<br />

teachers and that'good' teachers generally earned the respect <strong>of</strong>their pupils. This<br />

discussion appeared to have had a marked impression on Ben and his approach to his<br />

own class. Although classroom rituals such as the pupils' rhythmic clapp<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong>hands and<br />

stand<strong>in</strong>g up to answer questions were still very present <strong>in</strong> Ben's lessons, they were not as<br />

pronounced as they had been <strong>in</strong> the first lesson. Ben had begun to ask more questions and<br />

was more tolerant <strong>of</strong><strong>in</strong>correct answers. However, the quality <strong>of</strong>the engagement and<br />

questions asked still required simple recall <strong>of</strong><strong>in</strong>formation. Pupil <strong>in</strong>volvement took the<br />

form <strong>of</strong>verbal responses to the teacher's questions and a five-m<strong>in</strong>ute paired 'activity'<br />

requir<strong>in</strong>g pupils to respond to three straightforward recall questions.<br />

Ben still preferred not to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> any form <strong>of</strong>lesson plan. Apart from the chalkboard no<br />

charts, pictures, worksheets, texts or other teach<strong>in</strong>g resources were used <strong>in</strong> this lesson.<br />

Evidence from the transcripts above <strong>in</strong>dicates that Ben's practice had shifted m<strong>in</strong>imally.<br />

While 'question<strong>in</strong>g and rapport' and 'pupil <strong>in</strong>volvement' had changed from be<strong>in</strong>g weak<br />

and non-existent to becom<strong>in</strong>g scant and still <strong>in</strong>adequate, 'teach<strong>in</strong>g resources' rema<strong>in</strong>ed<br />

non-existent.<br />

6.3.6 A synopsis <strong>of</strong> Section Two<br />

From the above analysis <strong>of</strong>Ben and Debbie, it is clear that learn<strong>in</strong>g had occurred for both<br />

teachers. The nature and extent <strong>of</strong> the learn<strong>in</strong>g was, however, markedly different for both<br />

teachers. Debbie's career trajectory and history <strong>of</strong>ongo<strong>in</strong>g read<strong>in</strong>g and study allowed her<br />

to embrace the new EMS learn<strong>in</strong>g area with well-developed skills. Debbie's 'superior'<br />

cultural capital (Bourdieu 1986), that is her disposition and way <strong>of</strong>th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g, knowledge,<br />

245

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