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except in the two last wars, in which with great gratitude we acknowlege the favor
of our gracious King, and the British parliament ; but are of the opinion, as to the
first, that the taking of Cape Breton for the crown and realm was more than a
balance for that and all foregoing protections. And as to the last, we [bore] our full
proportion, according to our ability, which might bring us off clear. If not, we
assisted and did our part, according to what was required, till Canada and the
Havannah were conquered ;
and
the whole profits of these great and rich conquests
have gone to Great Britain, and not a farthing to these colonies. Yea more, has not
Great Britain, in fact, received an indemnification for the expences of the last war,
while Americans have received none ? Has not the vast territory of Canada, Louis-
iana and Florida been added to Great Britain ? By what right ? They had no prior
claim to either. Upon what consideration was it ceded to them, but as an indemnifi-
cation for the charges of the war ;
and this indemnification received is our discharge."
Then, supposing future protection to be intended by those who would
thereby justify the new burthens, Johnson says :
"The expressions of the act seem to look this way. But what protection of this
kind do we want, more than the inhabitants of Great Britain ? Or why are we so
heavily taxed to fill the Exchequer, and they not a farthing raised for this purpose ?
Is this equal ? Why this distinction ? Or what tendency has this measure to our
better protection ? Do we not need our monies (even more than the British subjects)
for trade, that we may lay up something for our protection ? . . . Let us now
suppose the little silver and gold we have is drawn home by taxes, we are impov-
erished, our monies above three thousand leagues distant, and hoarded up out of our
power ever to command ; is our protection, and security against an invasion, better
in this situation than our monies and all the profits from them in our own hands?
Or will it not throw us into a state of the greatest insecurity, and expose us to be an
easy prey to any inslaving power that may invade us ? And if it be the base design
of any in the M y to reduce us to such a weak, helpless, wretched state, that
they may make us a prey, we owe them no thanks for it.
"Or," continues Johnson, "is it for present exigencies of state.? Here again
we have a wild chase, to find a real occasion of state for these heavy taxes. Some
tell us they are needed to augment the salaries of Governors and Judges, &c. But
such a tax, for such a purpose, is such gross stupidity, and superlative nonsense, as
requires no answer :
'tis added, to support courts of Vice Admiralty, &c., with eight
hundred pounds salary— Indeed, we know that several thousands of it is to go to
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