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Ctffiituolir<br />

from the judge. To this extraordinary assertion I answer that the words <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Constitution admit <strong>of</strong> no such construction. The expression being that the judge<br />

shall hold his <strong>of</strong>fice during good behaviour, necessarily implies <strong>and</strong> secures a union<br />

<strong>of</strong> the <strong>of</strong>fice <strong>and</strong> the <strong>of</strong>ficer, so long as the <strong>of</strong>ficer shall behave well; <strong>and</strong> a removal<br />

<strong>of</strong> the <strong>of</strong>fice from the judge destroys as effectually this union as the removal <strong>of</strong> the<br />

judge from the <strong>of</strong>fice could do. ... If constructions <strong>of</strong> this kind can be admitted,<br />

there is not a crime which was ever perpetrated by man which cannot be justified.<br />

Sir, upon this principle, although you may not kill by thrusting a dagger into the<br />

breast <strong>of</strong> your neighbor, yet you may compel your neighbor to kill himself by<br />

forcing him upon the dagger; you shall not murder by destroying the life <strong>of</strong> a man,<br />

but you may confine your enemy in prison, <strong>and</strong> leave him without food to starve <strong>and</strong><br />

to die. These may be good distinctions in the new system <strong>of</strong> philosophy, but they<br />

can never be admitted in the old school. .<br />

. .<br />

" The power given to the courts to pronounce on the constitutionality <strong>of</strong> laws<br />

would be entirely defeated in those times when the exercise <strong>of</strong> that power becomes<br />

most necessary, if the judges are not placed beyond the power <strong>of</strong> the Legislature.<br />

The idea <strong>of</strong> giving this power to the courts, <strong>and</strong> at the same time <strong>of</strong> leaving the<br />

courts at the mercy <strong>of</strong> that department over which the power is to be exercised, is<br />

rather too absurd for gentlemen even in these days <strong>of</strong> extravagance ; <strong>and</strong> gentlemen<br />

aware <strong>of</strong> this have had the confidence to deny that this power resides in the<br />

courts. .<br />

. .<br />

" Sir, if there is no power to check the usurpations <strong>of</strong> the Legislature, the inev-<br />

itable consequence must be that the Congress <strong>of</strong> the United States becomes truly<br />

omnipotent. All power must be concentrated here, before which every department<br />

<strong>and</strong> all State-authorities must fall prostrate. Admit this principle <strong>and</strong> nothing can<br />

resist the attacks <strong>of</strong> your national laws upon our State-sovereignties. Here is an end<br />

<strong>of</strong> your Federal government. A consolidation <strong>of</strong> the States is the immediate effect,<br />

<strong>and</strong> in a few short years these sovereignties will not even obtain the name. .<br />

. .<br />

" I should now close the observations which I had to submit to the Committee<br />

upon this interesting question, had not the gentlemen on the other side <strong>of</strong> the House<br />

thought proper to involve in this debate a discussion <strong>of</strong> several topics not necessarily<br />

connected with the subject . . . <strong>and</strong>, although I cannot see their application, yet<br />

I am not disposed to set up my discernment as the st<strong>and</strong>ard <strong>of</strong> infallibility, <strong>and</strong> shall<br />

therefore now pay due respect to the path which these gentlemen have marked<br />

out. .<br />

.<br />

" The gentleman begins his remarks by saying that two parties have existed in<br />

this country from the commencement <strong>of</strong> the present Government :<br />

91<br />

the<br />

one what the

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