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Family-histories and genealogies : containing a series of ...

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cs^tffiitDoltr<br />

" But there is one important lesson which the experience <strong>of</strong> that election [the<br />

election <strong>of</strong> Jefferson by the House <strong>of</strong> Representatives] has taught the people <strong>of</strong> the<br />

United States— it is this, that it becomes the great <strong>and</strong> solemn duty <strong>of</strong> Electors, upon<br />

all occasions, to give their votes for two men who shall be best qualified for the <strong>of</strong>fice<br />

<strong>of</strong> President. The Electors do not—they cannot—know which <strong>of</strong> their own c<strong>and</strong>i-<br />

dates will succeed. They are therefore called upon by every sacred principle to<br />

select the most eminent <strong>of</strong> their fellow-citizens. They will be stimulated, on all<br />

future occasions, by the experience <strong>of</strong> the last election, to do, what I trust they have<br />

heret<strong>of</strong>ore done—to give their votes for two men in either <strong>of</strong> whom they are willing<br />

to confide the Executive power <strong>of</strong> the Government. What then can induce us to<br />

change the form <strong>of</strong> our elections ? Some gentlemen have said a great deal about the<br />

voice <strong>of</strong> the people, <strong>and</strong> declared that the people dem<strong>and</strong> the alteration. This is a<br />

language too frequently used within these walls. The purposes for which it is used<br />

I leave to others to explain ; but it must be perfectly understood that the clamors <strong>of</strong><br />

designing men are too <strong>of</strong>ten mistaken for the voice <strong>of</strong> the people. The people are<br />

rarely disposed to seek for changes, whilst they feel <strong>and</strong> enjoy the blessings <strong>of</strong> their<br />

old establishments. Be this as it may, we have been sent into this House to obey no<br />

voice but that <strong>of</strong> our own consciences <strong>and</strong> judgments. . . ." '"<br />

One sees in all these speeches the qualities <strong>of</strong> his mind <strong>and</strong> character.<br />

But the most clear, terse, compact, conclusive <strong>and</strong> exhaustive <strong>of</strong> all his<br />

arguments was, probably, that which he delivered in 1802, on the question<br />

whether Congress has the power to remove Judges, during good behavior,<br />

by abolishing their <strong>of</strong>fices—a question which arose in the first session under<br />

Jefferson's presidency, with reference to appointments made at the very<br />

close <strong>of</strong> the administration <strong>of</strong> his predecessor. This argument has been<br />

considered one <strong>of</strong> the very ablest ever made in Congress ; yet its power so<br />

much depends upon its completeness that full justice cannot be done to it<br />

by extracting single passages. We venture, however, to quote the<br />

following :<br />

" There is another strange position which has been advocated upon this occasion,<br />

<strong>and</strong> which deserves some attention because it has been <strong>of</strong>ten repeated. It is that,<br />

although you cannot remove the judge from the <strong>of</strong>fice, you may remove the <strong>of</strong>fice<br />

"' Debates <strong>and</strong> Proceedings in the Congress, ut supra, pp. 749-52.<br />

90

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