12 June 2, 2012 - ObserverXtra
12 June 2, 2012 - ObserverXtra
12 June 2, 2012 - ObserverXtra
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10 | COMMENT<br />
COMMENT<br />
Our VIEW / EDITOrIaL<br />
A cautionary tale<br />
of wages out of<br />
sync with reality<br />
If, lIke many CanadIans, you stopped<br />
somewhere for coffee this morning, chances<br />
are the person who served you isn’t earning a<br />
healthy stipend for his or her troubles. That is<br />
unless you stopped by the Tim Hortons at Newfoundland’s<br />
Health Sciences Centre, which has<br />
been staffed by public-sector workers making<br />
$28 an hour.<br />
“How is that possible?” you ask. Because it made sense<br />
to bureaucrats in the public sector. Until this week, that<br />
is, when hospital announced it was turning the operation<br />
over to the private sector. Why? Because the coffee shop lost<br />
$260,000 last year. Why? Because employees were making<br />
$28 an hour.<br />
A nice wage, but hardly the way to run an operation that<br />
was intended to provide the hospital with some $300,000<br />
in annual profits when it was installed in the facility back in<br />
1995. Instead, there’s been mounting losses.<br />
“Let me tell you why [the hospital franchise loses money],”<br />
Vickie Kaminski, the authority’s president and CEO, told<br />
reporters on Tuesday. “We charge you a $1.94 for that large<br />
coffee, but we insist that the staff who are pouring the coffee<br />
are Eastern Health staff, and they get paid $28 an hour. No<br />
Tim Hortons pays that.”<br />
True. And the average Tim Hortons restaurant reportedly<br />
generates $265,000 in profits. It does so typically by paying<br />
its employees minimum wage.<br />
Critics this week jumped on the revelation as an indication<br />
of wasteful spending in the public sector, asking what other<br />
inefficiencies await discovery. If something as idiot proof as<br />
a Tim Hortons franchise loses money, what’s happening in<br />
the much more complicated parts of the health-care system?<br />
This is surely a cautionary tale. A reminder of what happens<br />
when bureaucracies expand, and ever-increasing pay<br />
scales continue to grow, regardless of job type, skills, inflation,<br />
the tax burden or any other rationale measure that<br />
should be taken into consideration.<br />
There’s a parallel here with the recent hire at Woolwich<br />
Township, where an administrative assistant’s position is<br />
paying in the neighbourhood of $50,000 a year – less, officials<br />
might point out, than the $56,000 doled out on an<br />
annualized basis for those lucky coffee servers at the Health<br />
Sciences Centre in St. John’s. As with the Tim Hortons employees,<br />
the job is paying well above comparable jobs in the<br />
private sector.<br />
Statistics indicate a growing gap between civil service<br />
wages and the average earning of private sector employees.<br />
The discrepancy is likely to increase, as average industry<br />
wages will remain stagnant or decline dramatically in some<br />
industries as layoffs take hold – look at what’s happening<br />
with RIM, to name just one.<br />
Yet, as we’ve seen in this area, government employees continued<br />
to receive multi-year deals worth, on average, three to<br />
four per cent a year. With no bottom line – politicians seem<br />
to have few qualms about dipping deeper on their repeated<br />
trips to the well – governments simply pass the increases<br />
along to a public forced to pay taxes, a far cry from the situation<br />
faced in the private sector.<br />
This is not simply a tirade against government workers.<br />
We want services, so we need people to provide them. Those<br />
people should be paid a decent living wage. The trick will<br />
be to decide what services we really need – hint, fewer than<br />
we’re spending money on right now – and what constitutes<br />
“decent.”<br />
ThE VIEW frOM hErE<br />
WOrLD VIEW / GWYNNE DYEr<br />
WORLD<br />
AFFAIRS<br />
“There is no doubt that<br />
the (Syrian) government<br />
used artillery and tanks (in<br />
Houla),” said Russia’s foreign<br />
minister Sergei Lavrov<br />
on Monday. But then he<br />
added: “There is also no<br />
doubt that many bodies<br />
have been found with injuries<br />
from firearms received<br />
at point-blank range. We<br />
are dealing with a situation<br />
where both sides participated<br />
in the killings of innocent<br />
civilians.”<br />
Russia is at last admitting<br />
that Syria is using<br />
heavy weapons against its<br />
own civilian population. It<br />
could hardly do less, given<br />
the scale of Saturday’s<br />
massacre in the village of<br />
Taldou in the Houla region:<br />
at least 108 civilians killed,<br />
including 49 children. But<br />
while other countries are<br />
expelling Syrian ambassadors,<br />
Lavrov is still trying<br />
to spread the blame<br />
in order to protect Bashir<br />
al-Assad’s regime from foreign<br />
intervention.<br />
While some of the victims<br />
in Houla were killed<br />
THE OBSERVER | SATURDAY, JUNE 2, 20<strong>12</strong><br />
JOE MERLIHAN PUBLISHER<br />
STEVE KANNON EDITOR<br />
DONNA RUDY<br />
SALES MANAGER<br />
JAMES JACKSON<br />
REPORTER<br />
COLIN DEWAR<br />
REPORTER<br />
PAT MERLIHAN<br />
PRODUCTION MANAGER<br />
LEANNE BORON<br />
GRAPHIC DESIGN<br />
CRAIG RITCHIE<br />
GRAPHIC DESIGN<br />
PUBLICATION MAIL AGREEMENT NUMBER 1004840 | ISSN <strong>12</strong>039578<br />
With hiring practices and wage levels in need of scrutiny, Woolwich council has thus far refused to ask questions, let alone demand answers.<br />
Assad opts for murder rather than lose power<br />
by shellfire, others had<br />
been shot at close range<br />
or knifed to death. Assad’s<br />
propagandists insist that<br />
the fighters of the Syrian<br />
opposition (the “armed terrorist<br />
gangs,” as the regime<br />
calls them) massacred their<br />
own people with rifles and<br />
knives in order to put the<br />
blame on the government,<br />
and Russia is actively promoting<br />
the same story. But<br />
it is nonsense, and Lavrov<br />
must know it.<br />
The testimony of eyewitnesses<br />
is consistent: after<br />
two hours of shelling by<br />
the Syrian army, armed<br />
men belonging to the<br />
pro-government Shabiha<br />
militia entered the village<br />
and went door to door killing<br />
suspected activists and<br />
their families. The government<br />
in Damascus doesn’t<br />
care that everybody knows<br />
it’s lying: the whole point<br />
of the massacre is to terrify<br />
Syrians into submission,<br />
and it knows that NATO<br />
will not intervene.<br />
The victims murdered<br />
in Houla last weekend<br />
are only one per cent of<br />
the Syrian citizens killed<br />
by their own government<br />
since the anti-regime protests<br />
began in March of last<br />
year, but some people hope<br />
that this will be a turning<br />
point in foreign attitudes<br />
to Assad. They even talk<br />
about it as a “mini-Srebrenica.”<br />
That was the slaughter<br />
of Bosnian Muslims by Serbian<br />
forces in 1995 that finally<br />
persuaded the NATO<br />
countries to use force<br />
against Slobodan Milosevic,<br />
the dictator of Serbia,<br />
but it’s not going to happen<br />
here. The brazen effrontery<br />
of the Assad regime in perpetrating<br />
such a massacre<br />
even after United Nations/<br />
Arab League monitors have<br />
entered the country shows<br />
how confident it is that the<br />
Western alliance will not<br />
use force against him.<br />
NATO will not go beyond<br />
empty threats because it<br />
cannot get the support of<br />
the United Nations Security<br />
Council for using force<br />
against Assad’s regime (the<br />
Russians and the Chinese<br />
would veto it), and because<br />
the Syrian armed forces are<br />
so big and powerful that<br />
it would suffer significant<br />
losses if it attacked.<br />
If there is no foreign<br />
military intervention, then<br />
Syria is heading into a prolonged<br />
civil war like Lebanon’s<br />
in 1975-1990: the ethnic<br />
and religious divisions<br />
in Syria are quite similar<br />
to those in Lebanon. If the<br />
Syrian regime understands<br />
that, then why does it persist<br />
in killing the protesters?<br />
Because it reckons that<br />
fighting a prolonged civil<br />
war is better than losing<br />
power now.<br />
The pro-democracy<br />
protests in Syria began<br />
soon after the triumph of<br />
the Egyptian revolution in<br />
February 2011, and for six<br />
months they remained entirely<br />
non-violent despite<br />
savage repression by the<br />
regime. (By last September,<br />
Assad’s forces had already<br />
murdered about 3,000<br />
Syrian civilians.) And so<br />
long as the demonstrations<br />
stayed non-violent, the vision<br />
of a Syrian democracy<br />
embracing all sects and<br />
ethnic groups remained<br />
viable.<br />
Assad’s strategy for<br />
survival had two main<br />
thrusts. One was to divide<br />
the opposition. At the<br />
start the protests included<br />
Christians, Druze, and<br />
even some people from<br />
Assad’s own community,<br />
the Alawites. He needed<br />
to separate those minority<br />
groups from the majority<br />
DYER | <strong>12</strong>