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12 June 2, 2012 - ObserverXtra

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10 | COMMENT<br />

COMMENT<br />

Our VIEW / EDITOrIaL<br />

A cautionary tale<br />

of wages out of<br />

sync with reality<br />

If, lIke many CanadIans, you stopped<br />

somewhere for coffee this morning, chances<br />

are the person who served you isn’t earning a<br />

healthy stipend for his or her troubles. That is<br />

unless you stopped by the Tim Hortons at Newfoundland’s<br />

Health Sciences Centre, which has<br />

been staffed by public-sector workers making<br />

$28 an hour.<br />

“How is that possible?” you ask. Because it made sense<br />

to bureaucrats in the public sector. Until this week, that<br />

is, when hospital announced it was turning the operation<br />

over to the private sector. Why? Because the coffee shop lost<br />

$260,000 last year. Why? Because employees were making<br />

$28 an hour.<br />

A nice wage, but hardly the way to run an operation that<br />

was intended to provide the hospital with some $300,000<br />

in annual profits when it was installed in the facility back in<br />

1995. Instead, there’s been mounting losses.<br />

“Let me tell you why [the hospital franchise loses money],”<br />

Vickie Kaminski, the authority’s president and CEO, told<br />

reporters on Tuesday. “We charge you a $1.94 for that large<br />

coffee, but we insist that the staff who are pouring the coffee<br />

are Eastern Health staff, and they get paid $28 an hour. No<br />

Tim Hortons pays that.”<br />

True. And the average Tim Hortons restaurant reportedly<br />

generates $265,000 in profits. It does so typically by paying<br />

its employees minimum wage.<br />

Critics this week jumped on the revelation as an indication<br />

of wasteful spending in the public sector, asking what other<br />

inefficiencies await discovery. If something as idiot proof as<br />

a Tim Hortons franchise loses money, what’s happening in<br />

the much more complicated parts of the health-care system?<br />

This is surely a cautionary tale. A reminder of what happens<br />

when bureaucracies expand, and ever-increasing pay<br />

scales continue to grow, regardless of job type, skills, inflation,<br />

the tax burden or any other rationale measure that<br />

should be taken into consideration.<br />

There’s a parallel here with the recent hire at Woolwich<br />

Township, where an administrative assistant’s position is<br />

paying in the neighbourhood of $50,000 a year – less, officials<br />

might point out, than the $56,000 doled out on an<br />

annualized basis for those lucky coffee servers at the Health<br />

Sciences Centre in St. John’s. As with the Tim Hortons employees,<br />

the job is paying well above comparable jobs in the<br />

private sector.<br />

Statistics indicate a growing gap between civil service<br />

wages and the average earning of private sector employees.<br />

The discrepancy is likely to increase, as average industry<br />

wages will remain stagnant or decline dramatically in some<br />

industries as layoffs take hold – look at what’s happening<br />

with RIM, to name just one.<br />

Yet, as we’ve seen in this area, government employees continued<br />

to receive multi-year deals worth, on average, three to<br />

four per cent a year. With no bottom line – politicians seem<br />

to have few qualms about dipping deeper on their repeated<br />

trips to the well – governments simply pass the increases<br />

along to a public forced to pay taxes, a far cry from the situation<br />

faced in the private sector.<br />

This is not simply a tirade against government workers.<br />

We want services, so we need people to provide them. Those<br />

people should be paid a decent living wage. The trick will<br />

be to decide what services we really need – hint, fewer than<br />

we’re spending money on right now – and what constitutes<br />

“decent.”<br />

ThE VIEW frOM hErE<br />

WOrLD VIEW / GWYNNE DYEr<br />

WORLD<br />

AFFAIRS<br />

“There is no doubt that<br />

the (Syrian) government<br />

used artillery and tanks (in<br />

Houla),” said Russia’s foreign<br />

minister Sergei Lavrov<br />

on Monday. But then he<br />

added: “There is also no<br />

doubt that many bodies<br />

have been found with injuries<br />

from firearms received<br />

at point-blank range. We<br />

are dealing with a situation<br />

where both sides participated<br />

in the killings of innocent<br />

civilians.”<br />

Russia is at last admitting<br />

that Syria is using<br />

heavy weapons against its<br />

own civilian population. It<br />

could hardly do less, given<br />

the scale of Saturday’s<br />

massacre in the village of<br />

Taldou in the Houla region:<br />

at least 108 civilians killed,<br />

including 49 children. But<br />

while other countries are<br />

expelling Syrian ambassadors,<br />

Lavrov is still trying<br />

to spread the blame<br />

in order to protect Bashir<br />

al-Assad’s regime from foreign<br />

intervention.<br />

While some of the victims<br />

in Houla were killed<br />

THE OBSERVER | SATURDAY, JUNE 2, 20<strong>12</strong><br />

JOE MERLIHAN PUBLISHER<br />

STEVE KANNON EDITOR<br />

DONNA RUDY<br />

SALES MANAGER<br />

JAMES JACKSON<br />

REPORTER<br />

COLIN DEWAR<br />

REPORTER<br />

PAT MERLIHAN<br />

PRODUCTION MANAGER<br />

LEANNE BORON<br />

GRAPHIC DESIGN<br />

CRAIG RITCHIE<br />

GRAPHIC DESIGN<br />

PUBLICATION MAIL AGREEMENT NUMBER 1004840 | ISSN <strong>12</strong>039578<br />

With hiring practices and wage levels in need of scrutiny, Woolwich council has thus far refused to ask questions, let alone demand answers.<br />

Assad opts for murder rather than lose power<br />

by shellfire, others had<br />

been shot at close range<br />

or knifed to death. Assad’s<br />

propagandists insist that<br />

the fighters of the Syrian<br />

opposition (the “armed terrorist<br />

gangs,” as the regime<br />

calls them) massacred their<br />

own people with rifles and<br />

knives in order to put the<br />

blame on the government,<br />

and Russia is actively promoting<br />

the same story. But<br />

it is nonsense, and Lavrov<br />

must know it.<br />

The testimony of eyewitnesses<br />

is consistent: after<br />

two hours of shelling by<br />

the Syrian army, armed<br />

men belonging to the<br />

pro-government Shabiha<br />

militia entered the village<br />

and went door to door killing<br />

suspected activists and<br />

their families. The government<br />

in Damascus doesn’t<br />

care that everybody knows<br />

it’s lying: the whole point<br />

of the massacre is to terrify<br />

Syrians into submission,<br />

and it knows that NATO<br />

will not intervene.<br />

The victims murdered<br />

in Houla last weekend<br />

are only one per cent of<br />

the Syrian citizens killed<br />

by their own government<br />

since the anti-regime protests<br />

began in March of last<br />

year, but some people hope<br />

that this will be a turning<br />

point in foreign attitudes<br />

to Assad. They even talk<br />

about it as a “mini-Srebrenica.”<br />

That was the slaughter<br />

of Bosnian Muslims by Serbian<br />

forces in 1995 that finally<br />

persuaded the NATO<br />

countries to use force<br />

against Slobodan Milosevic,<br />

the dictator of Serbia,<br />

but it’s not going to happen<br />

here. The brazen effrontery<br />

of the Assad regime in perpetrating<br />

such a massacre<br />

even after United Nations/<br />

Arab League monitors have<br />

entered the country shows<br />

how confident it is that the<br />

Western alliance will not<br />

use force against him.<br />

NATO will not go beyond<br />

empty threats because it<br />

cannot get the support of<br />

the United Nations Security<br />

Council for using force<br />

against Assad’s regime (the<br />

Russians and the Chinese<br />

would veto it), and because<br />

the Syrian armed forces are<br />

so big and powerful that<br />

it would suffer significant<br />

losses if it attacked.<br />

If there is no foreign<br />

military intervention, then<br />

Syria is heading into a prolonged<br />

civil war like Lebanon’s<br />

in 1975-1990: the ethnic<br />

and religious divisions<br />

in Syria are quite similar<br />

to those in Lebanon. If the<br />

Syrian regime understands<br />

that, then why does it persist<br />

in killing the protesters?<br />

Because it reckons that<br />

fighting a prolonged civil<br />

war is better than losing<br />

power now.<br />

The pro-democracy<br />

protests in Syria began<br />

soon after the triumph of<br />

the Egyptian revolution in<br />

February 2011, and for six<br />

months they remained entirely<br />

non-violent despite<br />

savage repression by the<br />

regime. (By last September,<br />

Assad’s forces had already<br />

murdered about 3,000<br />

Syrian civilians.) And so<br />

long as the demonstrations<br />

stayed non-violent, the vision<br />

of a Syrian democracy<br />

embracing all sects and<br />

ethnic groups remained<br />

viable.<br />

Assad’s strategy for<br />

survival had two main<br />

thrusts. One was to divide<br />

the opposition. At the<br />

start the protests included<br />

Christians, Druze, and<br />

even some people from<br />

Assad’s own community,<br />

the Alawites. He needed<br />

to separate those minority<br />

groups from the majority<br />

DYER | <strong>12</strong>

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