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KCE Reports 118 <strong>Pay</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Quality</strong> 91<br />

In general we see that all citizens benefit from the improvements in quality of care and<br />

the extent to which they benefit determine whether the existing gap narrows (when the<br />

least off have a larger growth than the best off) or increases (if the least off have a<br />

smaller growth than the best off). However, <strong>for</strong> some indicators a new gap arises there<br />

where there was no gap pre-contract. For example a significant difference between the<br />

most and least deprived patients emerged after the contract <strong>for</strong> the recording of blood<br />

pressure, the recording of smoking status and giving smoking advice. Also pre-contract<br />

diabetic women were as likely as men to have their HbA1c, blood pressure, serum<br />

creatinine and cholesterol recorded where post-contract inequities in these indicators<br />

appeared.<br />

For some indicators, the increase in quality of care <strong>for</strong> the initially deprived groups was<br />

even larger than <strong>for</strong> the other patients, resulting in an inversion of the gap or a ‘positive<br />

discrimination’: <strong>for</strong> the measurement of BMI, the measurement of cholesterol and the<br />

control of BP a positive discrimination of South Asian patients with CHD compared to<br />

white British patients with CHD was described. 157 . Also <strong>for</strong> one indicator in diabetes<br />

care (serum creatinine recorded) the inequity inversed towards a pro-elderly<br />

distribution of the indicator 128 .<br />

In 2000, Victoria et al <strong>for</strong>mulated the inverse equity hypothesis. This hypothesis<br />

proposes that affluent groups in society preferentially benefit from new interventions,<br />

leading to an initial increase in inequalities. Deprived groups only begin to benefit once<br />

affluent groups have extracted maximum benefit. Health inequalities ultimately diminish<br />

because deprived groups start with a lower baseline level of health and health care<br />

uptake and have higher potential gains 148 , 235 . The above results do not unanimously<br />

confirm the first part of the hypothesis (i.e. just after the introduction of a new<br />

intervention the more affluent areas or groups in society benefit most).<br />

With regard to the persistency of these changes over time only two studies were found<br />

84 , 142<br />

. In the first year after the introduction a clear socioeconomic gradient was<br />

recorded, with progressively lower achievement and greater variation in achievement,<br />

with increasing area deprivation. However this gradient was not steep.<br />

Both Doran et al. (2008) and Ashworth et al (2007) showed that after 3 years this<br />

existing (but small) gradient between deprived areas had almost disappeared.<br />

84 , 142<br />

Moreover, using regression models including area, practice, patient and GP<br />

characteristics, Doran was able to prove that the increase in achievement over time was<br />

not significantly associated with area deprivation but was very strongly associated with<br />

previous practice per<strong>for</strong>mance: “the lower the achievement in the previous year, the<br />

greater the increase in achievement.” 84<br />

This is a very important finding because it might indicate that the QOF indeed is a truly<br />

equitable public-health intervention since the improvements in quality achievement by<br />

practices are inversely related to previous per<strong>for</strong>mance and not to the level of<br />

deprivation of the area where the practice is located. However, alternative explanations<br />

<strong>for</strong> the described phenomenon could also exist: it is possible that the increase in quality<br />

already started be<strong>for</strong>e the introduction of the QOF (there are some indications <strong>for</strong> this)<br />

and that the better off groups already nearly reached their full growing potential by the<br />

time the QOF was introduced. 84 This might explain the reduction of some of the precontract<br />

health care gaps as described in the previous paragraph 84 .<br />

With regard to exception reporting there is some concern that this might be used as<br />

an excuse <strong>for</strong> substandard care of patients or to exclude patients <strong>for</strong> whom the targets<br />

had been missed, mostly socially deprived patients or patients with a different ethnic<br />

background, rather than because of a genuine clinical reason (also known as ‘gaming’).<br />

The most recent and most comprehensive study that addresses this topic is the study of<br />

Doran et al (2008); they report that the characteristics of the patients (e.g. gender,<br />

socioeconomic position) explain only 2.7% of the variance in exception reporting. This<br />

does not confirm earlier studies with more limited study designs reporting that<br />

practices in financially deprived areas are more likely to exclude patients (McLean 2006).<br />

Doran et al (2008) conclude that “Exception reporting brings substantial benefits to<br />

pay-<strong>for</strong>-per<strong>for</strong>mance programmes, providing that the process has been used<br />

appropriately.

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