CRIMES WITHOUT CONSEQUENCES - gpvec

CRIMES WITHOUT CONSEQUENCES - gpvec CRIMES WITHOUT CONSEQUENCES - gpvec

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3. History of U.S. Humane Slaughter Initiatives The Federal Meat Inspection Act, which requires government oversight of the slaughter of cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, horses, mules and other equines for human consumption, became U.S. law in 1906, following publication of Upton’s Sinclair’s classic novel, The Jungle. But while Sinclair voiced concern for the fate of animals in slaughterhouses who were being mercilessly bludgeoned to death by sledgehammers, the scope of the law was limited to food safety. In fact, animal advocates in the United States had been faced with the issue of cruel slaughterhouse methods since the inception of the humane movement in the late 1800s, as described by this excerpt from a 1960s article on the history of humane slaughter: “During the early years of the American Humane Association (AHA), many humanitarians visited abattoirs throughout the country and brought to the annual AHA meetings reports of blood, filth and pain. But beyond their reports—and indignant discussions among other delegates at the annual meetings—nothing of any moment was accomplished toward the elimination of slaughterhouse cruelties.” 25 That changed when AHA and other U.S. animal advocacy groups initiated an intensive publicity campaign in the 1920s to educate the public about the need for more humane slaughter methods. In 1929, the AHA and the American Meat Institute (AMI), the trade association of the slaughter industry, formed a joint committee to work on humane slaughter methods and devices, and in the 1950s, the AHA introduced its “Seal of Approval,” which it granted to companies for the humane slaughtering of meat animals. By this time, the largest slaughter companies had begun to introduce in their plants methods to render animals insensible to pain before slaughtering or bleeding. 26 Although the meat packers promised to adopt humane methods voluntarily and the AHA announced with confidence that the packers are with us, they were not. In 1955, to promote the adoption of humane stunning technology by the slaughter industry, Senator Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota introduced the first humane slaughter legislation in the U.S. Senate. The meat packers sought adoption of a study bill, rather than a legal mandate for humane slaughter, but they did not prevail. The humane slaughter legislation eventually passed in 1958, following one of the most intensive lobbying and public relations campaigns ever conducted in congressional history, and it was signed into law by President Eisenhower, to become effective June 30, 1960. However, while the original Humane Methods of Slaughter Act required that all U.S. slaughter plants selling meat to the federal government use humane methods, the law lacked an enforcement mechanism. This problem was addressed by an amendment to the Federal Meat Inspection Act sponsored by Senator Robert Dole of Kansas and 25 The campaign for humane slaughter, The National Humane Review, January-February 1962, p. 51. 26 Ibid. 21

Crimes Without ConsequenCes Representative George E. Brown, Jr. of California, enacted in 1978, which expanded coverage of the humane slaughter law to meat imported into the United States and provided a more effective enforcement mechanism. 27 The Humane Methods of Slaughter Act of 1978 gave federal inspectors the authority to stop slaughter operations to prevent inhumane practices. Regulations promulgated by the USDA under the Act included humane handling requirements, such as access to water and feed, adequate room for lying down, a prohibition on the use of pipes and metal objects, and limits on the use of electric prods to move animals. 28 The level of government enforcement of the Humane Methods of Slaughter Act following its passage in 1978 is not well-documented. In the late 1970s, a revolution was taking place in the American slaughter industry. The largest companies, led by Iowa Beef Processors (IBP), busted meatpacking unions by relocating plants from large cities, such as Chicago and Omaha, to rural areas. They recruited immigrant workers from Mexico, and slaughterhouse wages fell by as much as 50 percent. They also sharply increased production to drive their competition out of business, and as a result, thousands of small-sized plants closed shop (see discussion of numbers of U.S. slaughter plants in Section 2.3). These changes—increased production, decreased worker qualifications and increased political power in the hands of a few mega-companies—likely had a negative effect on the welfare of animals in slaughter plants. In the late 1980s, Gail Eisnitz, an investigator for HFA, heard stories about cattle being skinned alive in a Florida slaughter plant. She took on a widespread investigation of U.S. slaughter practices that lasted more than six years and culminated in the publication of her book, Slaughterhouse. 29 At the same time that Eisnitz was amassing worker testimonials on slaughter abuse, environmental and animal welfare activists in London were battling the McDonald’s Corporation in court over, among other things, the description of the fast food giant’s handling of animals at slaughter (the case became commonly known as the “McLibel trial”). 30 Simultaneously, Dr. Temple Grandin, an animal handling scientist at Colorado State University, was drafting animal stunning and handling guidelines for AMI and designing humane handling systems for some of the country’s largest slaughter plants. 31 The outcome of these three events—the Eisnitz investigation, the “McLibel” trial, and the industry work of Grandin—set into motion a decade-long focus on the issue of humane slaughter in the United States, not seen since the days of lobbying for the first humane slaughter law in the 1950s. Following is a brief timeline of some of the benchmarks of the past decade. 27 For a review of the history of humane slaughter laws, see Leavitt ES (with update by D Halverson), Humane slaughter laws in Animals and Their Legal Rights, Animal Welfare Institute, 1990 (4 th ed), pp. 52-65. 28 Federal Register, Vol. 44, November 30, 1979, p. 68813. 29 Eisnitz G, Slaughterhouse: The Shocking Story of Greed, Neglect, and Inhumane Treatment Inside the U.S. Meat Industry, Prometheus Books, 1997. 30 For information about the “McLibel” case, see http://www.mcspotlight.org. 31 For information about Dr. Grandin’s work, see http://www.grandin.com. 22

Crimes Without ConsequenCes<br />

Representative George E. Brown, Jr. of California, enacted in 1978, which expanded<br />

coverage of the humane slaughter law to meat imported into the United States and<br />

provided a more effective enforcement mechanism. 27 The Humane Methods of Slaughter<br />

Act of 1978 gave federal inspectors the authority to stop slaughter operations to prevent<br />

inhumane practices. Regulations promulgated by the USDA under the Act included<br />

humane handling requirements, such as access to water and feed, adequate room for lying<br />

down, a prohibition on the use of pipes and metal objects, and limits on the use of electric<br />

prods to move animals. 28<br />

The level of government enforcement of the Humane Methods of Slaughter Act following<br />

its passage in 1978 is not well-documented. In the late 1970s, a revolution was taking<br />

place in the American slaughter industry. The largest companies, led by Iowa Beef<br />

Processors (IBP), busted meatpacking unions by relocating plants from large cities, such<br />

as Chicago and Omaha, to rural areas. They recruited immigrant workers from Mexico,<br />

and slaughterhouse wages fell by as much as 50 percent. They also sharply increased<br />

production to drive their competition out of business, and as a result, thousands of<br />

small-sized plants closed shop (see discussion of numbers of U.S. slaughter plants in<br />

Section 2.3). These changes—increased production, decreased worker qualifications and<br />

increased political power in the hands of a few mega-companies—likely had a negative<br />

effect on the welfare of animals in slaughter plants.<br />

In the late 1980s, Gail Eisnitz, an investigator for HFA, heard stories about cattle being<br />

skinned alive in a Florida slaughter plant. She took on a widespread investigation<br />

of U.S. slaughter practices that lasted more than six years and culminated in the<br />

publication of her book, Slaughterhouse. 29 At the same time that Eisnitz was amassing<br />

worker testimonials on slaughter abuse, environmental and animal welfare activists<br />

in London were battling the McDonald’s Corporation in court over, among other<br />

things, the description of the fast food giant’s handling of animals at slaughter (the<br />

case became commonly known as the “McLibel trial”). 30 Simultaneously, Dr. Temple<br />

Grandin, an animal handling scientist at Colorado State University, was drafting animal<br />

stunning and handling guidelines for AMI and designing humane handling systems for<br />

some of the country’s largest slaughter plants. 31<br />

The outcome of these three events—the Eisnitz investigation, the “McLibel” trial, and the<br />

industry work of Grandin—set into motion a decade-long focus on the issue of humane<br />

slaughter in the United States, not seen since the days of lobbying for the first humane<br />

slaughter law in the 1950s. Following is a brief timeline of some of the benchmarks of<br />

the past decade.<br />

27 For a review of the history of humane slaughter laws, see Leavitt ES (with update by D Halverson), Humane<br />

slaughter laws in Animals and Their Legal Rights, Animal Welfare Institute, 1990 (4 th ed), pp. 52-65.<br />

28 Federal Register, Vol. 44, November 30, 1979, p. 68813.<br />

29 Eisnitz G, Slaughterhouse: The Shocking Story of Greed, Neglect, and Inhumane Treatment Inside the U.S.<br />

Meat Industry, Prometheus Books, 1997.<br />

30 For information about the “McLibel” case, see http://www.mcspotlight.org.<br />

31 For information about Dr. Grandin’s work, see http://www.grandin.com.<br />

22

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