1. Nathaniel Bradford of Accomack County, Virginia - Lower ...

1. Nathaniel Bradford of Accomack County, Virginia - Lower ... 1. Nathaniel Bradford of Accomack County, Virginia - Lower ...

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Bradford encourage ye boy Trafford and told him if he would be a good boy & please me, being his mare was dead, he ye said Bradford would give him another mare." Ewell afterward heard that Bradford had done as promised. Signed and sworn in open court 17 September 1691, by James (I) Ewell.” - This William Trafford, described as “the boy” in the deposition of Henry Read, may have been the son of the William Trafford mentioned in the 1673 will of John Fawsett, 197 the man who purchased the Richard Smith land from Nathaniel. This same William Trafford, about 37 in 1674, 198 may have been the William Trafford who in 1677 was reimbursed along with Nathaniel by Edward Hamond, a neighbor on Matchipungo creek, for securing a boat Hamond had found whose owner was in question. 200 - The Mary Farrill who appears in the inventory of Nathaniel’s estate was likely the same Mary Farrell who in 1687, as a servant to Nathaniel’s neighbor Arthur Robins, was given 25 lashes by the court for the crime of fornication and bastard bearing. 201 Nathaniel must have purchased Mary from Robins for the remainder of her indenture. Nathaniel’s son William inherited her and while she was in William’s service she had yet another bastard, this time with the slave Spindolo, 202 likely the same person as that Sandela who is listed on Nathaniel’s 1672 patent. For this action, she received 40 lashes. The child born to this union was named Thomas Ferrill and served William Bradford until the age of 24, after which he disappears from Accomack court records. Knowledge of another servant, employee, or lessee of Nathaniel’s comes from a court action of 1669, in which an Edward Martin was fined for neglecting to clear the highways, but pled that it was the fault of Nathaniel Bradford, with whom he lived, for not ordering him to do so. 203 This may have been the same Edward Martin who appears as a headright of Nathaniel’s father-in-law Richard Smith 204 and who, as Smith’s former servant, was given a legacy in Smith’s will. 205 Apparently Martin continued to live with Richard Smith’s heirs for several years, at least until 1669, probably along with another of Richard Smith’s servants, William East, whom Smith bequeathed to Alice. It is unclear what became of William East, but by 1671 Edward Martin was out on his own, as he is listed as the head of his own household on the tax list for that year. 206 Edward Martin has the dubious distinction of being an informant against what might be the first theatrical production ever given in America, the 1665 play The Bear and the Cub 207 In 1684 or 1685, William Twiford received from Capt. Wm. Custis 1½ gallons of sturgeons oil and half a bushel of peas which he delivered to “my Master Bradford.” 208 As Twiford appears as a head of household on the tithable lists for 1684 and 1685, he was likely not a servant. His occupation was “feltmaker”, 209 and Nathaniel may have employed him in that capacity for his shoemaking operation. Richard Mason was probably a servant or employee of Nathaniel’s. He was living with Nathaniel in 1681 when the sheriff of Accomack attempted to take him into custody at Nathaniel’s house for a debt owed to James Davis. 210 John Daniell was certainly a servant of Nathaniel’s. For a time in the early 1680s he looked after Nathaniel’s plantation in Sussex County, Delaware. 211 Like Nathaniel’s servant John Reeves, he petitioned for his freedom after Nathaniel tried to hold him to a longer term of service. 212 Though probably not a servant of Nathaniel’s, James Ewell lived on Nathaniel’s land for a time. 213 In 1678, Nathaniel sued him for damage he had wrought to Nathaniel’s property while dwelling there. Arthur Upshot and Wm. Nock were ordered to view the damages and found that Ewell had removed 18 apple trees, and that his dwelling house was “damnified.” 214 Ewell was a brick mason, and probably had a hand in building many public and private structures in 17 th century Accomack. 215 It’s possible Ewell rented land from Nathaniel, though no record of a lease exists. Nathaniel’s Slaves In the course of his life, Nathaniel undoubtedly owned servants in addition to the ones enumerated above, and had other dependants and employees. These are just the ones that appear as such in Accomack court records. Nathaniel also owned slaves. In the inventory of his estate four were listed: Sambow and Judee, each valued at 23 pounds; Bess, worth 5 pounds, and Spindelow, worth 18 pounds. 216 This Spindelow is likely that Spinola who was listed on Nathaniel’s 1672 certificate of importation, and the same individual as that Spindolo whose bastard child Nathaniel’s servant Mary Farrill bore following Nathaniel’s death. Page 38 of 74 Copyright 2008 Adam M. Bradford

In 17 th century Virginia slavery was not the primary system of labor used in the southern colonies. Though introduced early in Virginia’s history, slavery did not begin to have the permanence of an institution guided by its own laws and special justifications until around 1662, when a Virginia law assumed that Africans would remain servants for life. 217 In the years thereafter the importation of Africans increased greatly. 218 But for most of Nathaniel’s life, slavery had not yet replaced indentured servitude as Virginia’s dominant system of labor and the percentage of Africans in the labor pool was small compared to what it would become. 219 For a brief time in the beginning there was also room for ambiguity in the relations between the Africans and the English, since the entire society was accustomed to varying levels of servitude, white or black. After the expiration of their indentures or upon gaining their freedom, a handful of Africans even ended up adopting the Virginia planter lifestyle, themselves becoming owners of servants and slaves. 220 However, the overwhelming majority of Africans in Virginia ended up becoming the permanent property of Englishmen and by the early 1700s in the public mind a hard distinction had developed between African slaves and European servants. 221 One record pertaining to Nathaniel Bradford sheds light on the business of the slave trade in 17 th century Virginia. In 1676, Nathaniel was sued by Matthew Scarburgh over a verbal bargain the two of them had struck for a black woman. Perhaps the deal had gone badly for Nathaniel and he was attempting to get out of it since it had not been in writing. But William Nock had witnessed the bargain and was called upon to describe it for the court, whereupon a jury found for Scarburgh and ordered Nathaniel to pay the full amount discussed in the bargain: Deposition of Wm. Nock aged about 32 years: About last March 10, Nock was at the house of Nath. Bradford with Mathew Scarburough when he was asked to witness a bargain between them concerning a Negro woman for whom Bradford was to give Scarburough 3000 lbs of tobacco – half this year and half the next. If three hogsheads would not equal 1500 lbs this year, then Bradford would make it up the next. Scarburgh was to give Bradford a bond saving him from anyone in England or Barbados that might lay claim to the woman. Except for her baptism and the laws of the county, Bradford was to have no security; Scarburgh was to give Bradford “an assignment for five years and ever after if he could keep her.” Signed by Wm. Nock, in open court 20 April 1676, before Jno. Washbourne. 222 This record illustrates the sheer ordinariness with which human lives were bargained over in the same way one bargained over livestock. This was normal in colonial Virginia with respect to white servants as well, with the important difference that for an African it was not a term of years but an entire lifetime for which they could be sold. Even the longest-bound of white servants were allowed their freedom at some point in their lives, assuming a variety of obligations had been fulfilled. The most extreme cases of prolonged white servitude were the bastard children of servants – these children essentially became the property of the mother’s master, and did not gain their freedom until they reached the age of 21. 223 In that respect the legal status of a white bastard was not appreciably different from a bastard of mixed race, provided the mother was white. Other white servants were sometimes forced to remain in servitude for longer than their original contract due to a variety of reasons – e.g., as penalties for attempted escapes, because their master or mistress paid a fine for them, or due to other indebtedness– but even these men and women only had their independence postponed. For African slaves there was no hope of independence except through escape or by the whim of their owner. * * * * * Henry Bradford In 1676, Nathaniel’s servant John Reeves petitioned for his freedom. Nathaniel had purchased Reeves as an indentured servant from a Henry Bradford, and in a deposition before the court on 18 July 1676 Joseph Thorne related that, while at the house of Robt. Hutchinson on 25 March of that year, he heard Henry Bradford say to Reeves: “[I] brought [you] in for the term of four years and no more and had sold [you] but for four years and no longer should serve, and if Nath. Bradford had an assignment from [me] for any longer time, [I] will give him his ear.” 224 Nathaniel, who claimed another year of service from Reeves, was instead forced to let him go, paying him 600 lbs tobacco for extra time served as well as the bushel of corn and suit of clothes customarily given to servants upon the expiration of their indenture. 225 Apart from the details it contains, this record is also Page 39 of 74 Copyright 2008 Adam M. Bradford

<strong>Bradford</strong> encourage ye boy Trafford and told him if he would be a good boy & please<br />

me, being his mare was dead, he ye said <strong>Bradford</strong> would give him another mare." Ewell<br />

afterward heard that <strong>Bradford</strong> had done as promised. Signed and sworn in open court 17<br />

September 1691, by James (I) Ewell.”<br />

- This William Trafford, described as “the boy” in the deposition <strong>of</strong> Henry Read, may have been the<br />

son <strong>of</strong> the William Trafford mentioned in the 1673 will <strong>of</strong> John Fawsett, 197 the man who<br />

purchased the Richard Smith land from <strong>Nathaniel</strong>. This same William Trafford, about 37 in<br />

1674, 198 may have been the William Trafford who in 1677 was reimbursed along with <strong>Nathaniel</strong><br />

by Edward Hamond, a neighbor on Matchipungo creek, for securing a boat Hamond had found<br />

whose owner was in question. 200<br />

- The Mary Farrill who appears in the inventory <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s estate was likely the same Mary<br />

Farrell who in 1687, as a servant to <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s neighbor Arthur Robins, was given 25 lashes by<br />

the court for the crime <strong>of</strong> fornication and bastard bearing. 201 <strong>Nathaniel</strong> must have purchased Mary<br />

from Robins for the remainder <strong>of</strong> her indenture. <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s son William inherited her and while<br />

she was in William’s service she had yet another bastard, this time with the slave Spindolo, 202<br />

likely the same person as that Sandela who is listed on <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s 1672 patent. For this action,<br />

she received 40 lashes. The child born to this union was named Thomas Ferrill and served William<br />

<strong>Bradford</strong> until the age <strong>of</strong> 24, after which he disappears from <strong>Accomack</strong> court records.<br />

Knowledge <strong>of</strong> another servant, employee, or lessee <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s comes from a court action <strong>of</strong> 1669, in<br />

which an Edward Martin was fined for neglecting to clear the highways, but pled that it was the fault <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>Nathaniel</strong> <strong>Bradford</strong>, with whom he lived, for not ordering him to do so. 203 This may have been the same<br />

Edward Martin who appears as a headright <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s father-in-law Richard Smith 204 and who, as<br />

Smith’s former servant, was given a legacy in Smith’s will. 205 Apparently Martin continued to live with<br />

Richard Smith’s heirs for several years, at least until 1669, probably along with another <strong>of</strong> Richard Smith’s<br />

servants, William East, whom Smith bequeathed to Alice. It is unclear what became <strong>of</strong> William East, but<br />

by 1671 Edward Martin was out on his own, as he is listed as the head <strong>of</strong> his own household on the tax list<br />

for that year. 206 Edward Martin has the dubious distinction <strong>of</strong> being an informant against what might be the<br />

first theatrical production ever given in America, the 1665 play The Bear and the Cub 207<br />

In 1684 or 1685, William Twiford received from Capt. Wm. Custis 1½ gallons <strong>of</strong> sturgeons oil and half a<br />

bushel <strong>of</strong> peas which he delivered to “my Master <strong>Bradford</strong>.” 208 As Twiford appears as a head <strong>of</strong> household<br />

on the tithable lists for 1684 and 1685, he was likely not a servant. His occupation was “feltmaker”, 209 and<br />

<strong>Nathaniel</strong> may have employed him in that capacity for his shoemaking operation.<br />

Richard Mason was probably a servant or employee <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s. He was living with <strong>Nathaniel</strong> in 1681<br />

when the sheriff <strong>of</strong> <strong>Accomack</strong> attempted to take him into custody at <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s house for a debt owed to<br />

James Davis. 210<br />

John Daniell was certainly a servant <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s. For a time in the early 1680s he looked after<br />

<strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s plantation in Sussex <strong>County</strong>, Delaware. 211 Like <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s servant John Reeves, he petitioned<br />

for his freedom after <strong>Nathaniel</strong> tried to hold him to a longer term <strong>of</strong> service. 212<br />

Though probably not a servant <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s, James Ewell lived on <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s land for a time. 213 In 1678,<br />

<strong>Nathaniel</strong> sued him for damage he had wrought to <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s property while dwelling there. Arthur<br />

Upshot and Wm. Nock were ordered to view the damages and found that Ewell had removed 18 apple<br />

trees, and that his dwelling house was “damnified.” 214 Ewell was a brick mason, and probably had a hand in<br />

building many public and private structures in 17 th century <strong>Accomack</strong>. 215 It’s possible Ewell rented land<br />

from <strong>Nathaniel</strong>, though no record <strong>of</strong> a lease exists.<br />

<strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s Slaves<br />

In the course <strong>of</strong> his life, <strong>Nathaniel</strong> undoubtedly owned servants in addition to the ones enumerated above,<br />

and had other dependants and employees. These are just the ones that appear as such in <strong>Accomack</strong> court<br />

records. <strong>Nathaniel</strong> also owned slaves. In the inventory <strong>of</strong> his estate four were listed: Sambow and Judee,<br />

each valued at 23 pounds; Bess, worth 5 pounds, and Spindelow, worth 18 pounds. 216 This Spindelow is<br />

likely that Spinola who was listed on <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s 1672 certificate <strong>of</strong> importation, and the same individual<br />

as that Spindolo whose bastard child <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s servant Mary Farrill bore following <strong>Nathaniel</strong>’s death.<br />

Page 38 <strong>of</strong> 74 Copyright 2008 Adam M. <strong>Bradford</strong>

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