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1 - American Memory

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180<br />

Nell W. Chamberlain sums It up: "Congress Is hardly an appropriate agency to<br />

deal with an ad hoc dispute . . . Unless there is some issue which so stirs up emo-<br />

tions as to prompt a solid response, such as violence on the picket line or flagrant<br />

disregard of puljllc welfare, congressional debate over the merits of the dispute<br />

will simply reproduce the partisan arguments of the bargaining table without<br />

even the relevant knowledge which the negotiators possessed. If emotions are<br />

suflSdently inflamed to lead to quick decision, we can toe sure the decision will for<br />

that reason be uninformed.<br />

"Moreover, when one considers that typically collective bargaining involves not<br />

just one or two but a dozen or two of separate and often complex issues, the possi-<br />

bilities for protracted debate and inexpert conclusion are many times multiplied,<br />

r agree wholeheartedly with Professor Richard Lester when he says, 'It is diffi-<br />

cult to think of a more inappropriate body to which to submit a labor dispute for<br />

final adjudication than the Congress.' " '<br />

We feel that the Congress would be perfectly content to leave the thankles."*<br />

problem of settling emergency disputes to someone else<br />

Our conclusion is that the Taft-Hartley Act and the Railway Labor Act are<br />

badly In need of overhaul, that the type of legislation that should be enacted to<br />

replace them is fairly well agreed upon in general outline, and that the Congress<br />

should act. On the other hand. President Nixon seems to have backed away from<br />

his earlier proposals along this line (S. 560) and Labor Secretary Peter Brennan<br />

has said that as long as he remains In the administration, he will advocate only<br />

voluntary means to settle all labor disputes including strikes in the trucking,<br />

maritime, longshore, airline, and rail industries. This attitude of the administra-<br />

tion certainly does not preclude the Congress from acting, but it clearly make*<br />

action somewhat more difficult.<br />

Also, our experience in Hawaii has been that when we have been crippled by<br />

a destructive transportation strike, it is extremely hard to get the ear of many<br />

people in Washington.<br />

Realistically, then we move to our final proposal, which is the recommenda-<br />

tion of this report.<br />

PROPOSAL C. PABTIAl. OPERATION FOK HAWAU<br />

One of the three options provided for in S. 560 was 'the partial operation oj)-<br />

tion. This proposal (in one form or another) was also Included in the Staggers-<br />

Williams bill and the Javits bill and is currently in both the Fong (S. 640) and<br />

the Inouye (S. 231) bills. We propose that this portion of the suggested legis-<br />

lation be enacted to apply specifically to Hawaii in the event of longshore, marl-<br />

time, or trunk carrier airline strikes or threats of strikes.<br />

Under this option as contained in S. 560, the President would appoint an im-<br />

partial, three-member board to determine the feasibility of partial operations<br />

In essential portions of a struck industry. The board would hold public hear-<br />

ings and order the extent and conditions of partial operation. The parties<br />

would be subject to the board's order for a period determined by the board, of<br />

not more than 180 days.<br />

The partial operations law that we are proposing here would be more explicit<br />

than the terms of S. 560. It would provide that in the event of a longshore<br />

strike, or maritime strike, or a national strike of airline trunk carriers affect-<br />

ing service to Hawaii, the President would ^rder service to Hawaii maintained<br />

at its normal prestrlke level that a three-man impartial presidential board<br />

would administer this order by determining—in the light of all the Interests<br />

involved—-which carriers would operate at what volume to maintain the pre-<br />

strlke level of service to Hawaii, and what the terms and conditions of employ-<br />

ment would be, and what the returns to the operators would be.<br />

Partial operation involves only a minimum of government intervention. If<br />

confined to a small segment of the industry. It leaves the economic pressures of<br />

the shutdown in the major portion of the industry to serve as an incentive to<br />

settlement. It in no way interferes with the process of collective bargaining. It<br />

is fair to both parties to the disimte in that the bill would require that no order<br />

of the board shall place a greater economic burden on any party than that which<br />

a total cessation of operations would impose. And finally as applied to Hawaii,<br />

« N. W. Cbambcrlnin. "The Problem of Strikes." In ProreeOingn of Neir York T'nivrrtttu<br />

Thirteenth Annual Conference on Labor, Matthew Bender, New York, 1960. pp. 444-40.

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