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179<br />

There are different issues involved: different union leaderships; different rela-<br />

tions between the leadership and the rank and file members; different manage-<br />

ment attitudes; different styles of negotiating; different histories of conflict<br />

between the parties; different levels of maturity in the union-management<br />

relationship; different attitudes toward the public welfare; different suscepti-<br />

bilities to public pressure; etc., etc., etc., etc.<br />

If this approach were to be adopted with the provision that any approach the<br />

President tools could be vetoed by either house of the Congress, the fear that this<br />

would give too much discretion to the Chief Executive would be overcome. As a<br />

matter of fact, it has been pointed out that there is no escaping executive dis-<br />

cretion in triggering any strike control so far devised. The Congress in writing<br />

the Taft-Hartley Act tried to be every explicit in detining the emergency disputes<br />

where it would be applicable, yet no one has ever prevented the President from<br />

Invoking it when he wanted to nor forced him to invoke it when he didn't want<br />

to. Furthermore, on the subject of the alleged possible "abuse of discretion,"<br />

former Secretary of Labor W. WiUard Wirtz has said : ''AVhen, under the present<br />

law. a strike is stopped by an injmiction, the exercise of governmental ijower is<br />

no less real for its having been authorized by a statute passed years earlier by<br />

Congres.s. If that injunction is either unfair or ineffective as applied to the<br />

particular case, the evil of the exercise of centralized power is no less than If it<br />

resulted from either the inadevertent or malicious error of an executive or<br />

judicial oflBcer armed with discretionary authority to apply the injunction. There<br />

is as much power exercised in the one case as in the other, and the automaticity<br />

regulating the form of its exercise in the one instance is as great a potential<br />

source of injustice as Is the possible abuse of discretion in the other. It has not<br />

been shown, and is probably not true, that the exercise of executive discretion in<br />

these situations would result in greater unfairness than does automatic applica-<br />

tion of a single legislative prescription. It does not appeal to reason to argue<br />

that recourse in all hou.sehold emergencies to a particular bottle of {patent medl-<br />

cine avoids the possibility of human error which arises If the doctor is called<br />

In."'<br />

In the last session of the Congress there were two major bills in the Senate<br />

which—between the two of them—included almost every proposal that has been<br />

put forward to cope with emergency labor disputes.<br />

These include the following:<br />

1. Covering regional emergencies.<br />

2. Partial operation—providing that the struck company will provide partial<br />

service.<br />

3. Selective operation—providing that some companies in the struck industry<br />

would continue to operate.<br />

4. An additional "cooling-off" period beyond the 80 days provided for by Taft-<br />

Hartley.<br />

5. Authorizing boards of Inquiry to make recommendations for settlement<br />

rather than merely report a finding of facts.<br />

6. After a certain period of forced operation under an Injunction, authorizing<br />

the President, subject to congressional veto, to:<br />

a. Order extension of the status quo.<br />

b. Seize the struck operation and operate it.<br />

c. Order compulsory arbitration.<br />

d. Order mediation "to finality"—I.e., lock up the parties until they come to an<br />

agreement.<br />

7. Final offer selection—I.e., requiring the parties to the dispute to submit<br />

their final offers to a panel which would select one of the final offers In its en-<br />

tirety (without modification).<br />

If the President had available to him all the above options which he could use<br />

as he saw fit depending upon the circumstances of the case (subject only to veto<br />

by one of the Houses of the Congress), he would truly have an arsenal of weapons<br />

for forcing a settlement of any dispute that was seriously detrimental to the<br />

country or to some portion of the country. He would not. as he has had to do in<br />

80 many cases, have to go to Congre.ss to seek special legislation aimed at .settling<br />

a particular strike—a procedure that Is almost universally condemned. As Dr.<br />

»W. WIrtz. "The 'Cholce-of-Procediires' Approach to National Emergency Disputes," In<br />

I. Bernstein. H. Enatson. and R. Fleming (etls.), Emergenc;/ DUputta and National Potici/,<br />

Harper. New York, 1955, p. 15S.

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