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167<br />

go again' attitude and a resultine behavior pattern that can be as<br />

I'ostly and as disruptive as would oe the case if the strike ultimately<br />

occurred."<br />

Tiie third chapter of this booiilet is a rather detailed analysis of<br />

possible solutions to this problem that Hawaii has faced for so long<br />

and after reviewing many alternative solutions, I concluded that the<br />

l)est solution from the viewpoint of all parties concerned is essentially<br />

the proposal that is contained in H.R. 7189.<br />

Now. could I make two points in support of H.R. 7189 ?<br />

The first point is that H.R. 7189 can in no way be considered anti-<br />

strike or antilockout legislation. I think in answer to Mr. Harvey's<br />

question, I don't think it is really labor legislation at all. It is com-<br />

merce legislation. Partial operation of a tiny fraction of a struck or<br />

locked-out industry in order to provide essential ser\-ice does not inter-<br />

fere with the collective bargaining process. In my studies, and these<br />

figures have been quoted already, I have determined that only about<br />

3 percent of the west coast longshore work force is engaged in han-<br />

dling goods outbound to or inbound from Hawaii.<br />

Adding Guam, <strong>American</strong> Samoa, and Trust Territory of the<br />

Pacific cargoes would increase that percentage fractionally but still<br />

leave it within the range of 3 percent. To have the west coast long-<br />

shore industry continue to work 3 percent of its work force, still leaves<br />

97 percent of the work force untouched. This would then be a 97-per-<br />

cent stoppage instead of 100-pcrcent stoppage. The economic pressures<br />

on both sides to the dispute would to all intents and purposes be un-<br />

diminished. The collective bargaining process would be essentially<br />

untouched. This being the case, this legislation can in no way be con-<br />

sidered antistrike or antilockout.<br />

My second point is that the concept of partial operation in the event<br />

of an industrywide strike is not a new concept nor is it new in practice.<br />

In practice, essential military cargoes have been exempted from long-<br />

shore and maritime stoppages providing partial operations to take<br />

care of essential military needs. The west coast longshore and mari-<br />

time industries have had extensive experience with partial operations<br />

during strike periods.<br />

Further, the concept of partial operations has been supported by<br />

such students of emergency disputes legislation as former Under-<br />

secretary of Labor, Larry Silberman and by David Cullen in his<br />

analysis called National Emergency Strikes published by Cornell<br />

University in 1968. This concept was embodied in the administration<br />

bill S. 560 of the last session and also was embodied in the Staggere-<br />

Williams bill, H.R. 359.") and S. 832. Finally, the Javits bill of the<br />

last session. S. 594. provided that the President could order partial<br />

operations of a struck industry under certain conditions.<br />

My conclusion is that this legislation would do practically nothing<br />

to interfere with the collective bargaining process and therefore can<br />

in no way be considered antistrike legislation and that the basic pro-<br />

posal of this legislation, partial operation of a strike industry, is an<br />

accepted concept and that the west coast maritime and longshore<br />

industries have had extensive experience with it in practice.<br />

Finally, let me express one very sincere hope: namely, that the Con-<br />

gress will act on this legislation at this time. In fact, that it would

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