Innovation and institutional change: the transition to a sustainable ...

Innovation and institutional change: the transition to a sustainable ... Innovation and institutional change: the transition to a sustainable ...

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Theoretical perspectives 19 Nelson and Winter (1982) developed an evolutionary theory of economic change with routines as principal elements to explain firm behaviour. In evolutionary economics, habits and routines function as relatively durable genes, because “firms may be expected to behave in the future according to the routines they have employed in the past” (Nelson and Winter, 1982: 134). Routines are defined as decision-rules that are applied routinely over longer periods of time, and “range from well-specified technical routines for producing things, procedures for hiring and firing, ordering new inventory, or stepping up production of items in high demand, to policies regarding investment, research and development, or advertising, and business strategies about product diversification and overseas investments” (Nelson and Winter, 1982: 14). Routines are ‘remembered’ by doing, just as professional piano- or tennis-players need to practice every day to keep their movements smooth and accurate, in a natural and unconscious way. This also implies that there is some level of tacitness involved: routines can not be transferred smoothly, just as skills need to be built up. Nelson and Winter (1982: 16-17) discern three types of routines within firms, those of an operational nature, those regarding investment decisions, and routines to modify various operating characteristics, thus contemplating whether the way they are doing things is still appropriate. Here they assume a hierarchy of decision rules with higher order procedures governing modification of lower ones. In the economy the most successful routines survive (are selected) and are transferred to other firms through imitation, take-overs, labour mobility and training. According to Nelson and Winter routines also play a crucial role in innovative activities. They view innovations in organisational routines as new combinations of existing routines. They argue that problem-solving is routinised in terms of the way the problem is approached: certain search and problem-solving heuristics are applied (Nelson and Winter, 1982: 132-133). Search processes are local in the sense that the focus is on techniques close to the current one (Nelson and Winter, 1982: 211). This leads to technological trajectories based on general principles on how to move a certain technology, technological configuration or system forward. Saviotti (1996: 45) argues that “know-how, routines, decision rules and dominant competences are relatively invariant with respect to many types of environmental changes thus giving rise to dominant designs, technological regimes and paradigms”. Dosi (1988: 225) uses the term technological paradigm that defines “the technological opportunities for further innovations and some basic procedures on how to exploit them”. Certain exemplars (basic artefacts such as a car, steam turbine or fuel cell) are further developed and improved on the basis of a set of heuristics that guide direction and knowledge nature of search processes (Dosi, 1988: 224). An example is the steam turbine for which efficiency steadily improved by

20 Chapter 2 increasing scale and realising higher temperature and pressure (Hirsh, 1999: 56; Verbong, 2000: 226; Hofman and Marquart, 2001: 43). What is less clear in the work of Nelson, Winter and Dosi is how paradigms emerge or how shifts from one paradigm to another occur, and the nature and effects of embeddedness of these paradigms outside the realms of firms and engineers. The role of external changes will play an important role as is argued by Saviotti (1996: 45-46): “However, important environmental changes requiring, for example, substantial modifications of the technologies used by a firm, are likely to induce changes in routines, knowhow and competences which are then transmitted to subsequent generations”. What remains unclear, however, is to which external changes routines and know-how of a firm remain relatively invariant and to which not. A second more fundamental criticism is that these scholars model the selection environment as a (set of) factor(s) independent to the agents that generate variation. Especially more sociological interpretations of technological changes point at continuous interaction between the selection environment and variation and argue that the way these are shaped and take on certain more structural forms is essential. Van den Belt and Rip (1987), in their analysis of the synthetic dye industry, argue that the “influence on the selection environment often results in a nexus, that is a social institution that carries and shapes the interaction between trajectory and selection environment”. This implies a shift from a focus on evolution to co-evolution: understanding the way particular technological paths are embedded in, and co-evolve with, broader institutional structures. Evolution of large technical systems This approach is especially relevant for the analysis of the electrity system as a system of technologies in which infrastructure plays a central role. Of crucial concern is the work of Thomas Hughes, who interpreted the electricity system as a seamless web of interwoven elements of both a technical and non-technical nature (Hughes, 1983; 1987). His analysis thus focuses not on individual technologies but on the way the development of a variety of elements tends to reinforce the system as a whole, involving clusters of technologies and knowledge generation, and creating some specific dynamics as general understanding is created as to how to further optimise and expand the system. This takes the form of engineering guiding principles such as how increasing scale of steam turbines is accompanied by higher efficiency, and by fine-tuning of the system with public policy, such as through the establishment of monopoly as the natural form of

20 Chapter 2<br />

increasing scale <strong>and</strong> realising higher temperature <strong>and</strong> pressure (Hirsh, 1999:<br />

56; Verbong, 2000: 226; Hofman <strong>and</strong> Marquart, 2001: 43).<br />

What is less clear in <strong>the</strong> work of Nelson, Winter <strong>and</strong> Dosi is how paradigms<br />

emerge or how shifts from one paradigm <strong>to</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r occur, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> nature<br />

<strong>and</strong> effects of embeddedness of <strong>the</strong>se paradigms outside <strong>the</strong> realms of firms<br />

<strong>and</strong> engineers. The role of external <strong>change</strong>s will play an important role as is<br />

argued by Saviotti (1996: 45-46): “However, important environmental<br />

<strong>change</strong>s requiring, for example, substantial modifications of <strong>the</strong><br />

technologies used by a firm, are likely <strong>to</strong> induce <strong>change</strong>s in routines, knowhow<br />

<strong>and</strong> competences which are <strong>the</strong>n transmitted <strong>to</strong> subsequent<br />

generations”. What remains unclear, however, is <strong>to</strong> which external <strong>change</strong>s<br />

routines <strong>and</strong> know-how of a firm remain relatively invariant <strong>and</strong> <strong>to</strong> which<br />

not. A second more fundamental criticism is that <strong>the</strong>se scholars model <strong>the</strong><br />

selection environment as a (set of) fac<strong>to</strong>r(s) independent <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> agents that<br />

generate variation. Especially more sociological interpretations of<br />

technological <strong>change</strong>s point at continuous interaction between <strong>the</strong> selection<br />

environment <strong>and</strong> variation <strong>and</strong> argue that <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong>se are shaped <strong>and</strong> take<br />

on certain more structural forms is essential. Van den Belt <strong>and</strong> Rip (1987), in<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir analysis of <strong>the</strong> syn<strong>the</strong>tic dye industry, argue that <strong>the</strong> “influence on <strong>the</strong><br />

selection environment often results in a nexus, that is a social institution that<br />

carries <strong>and</strong> shapes <strong>the</strong> interaction between trajec<strong>to</strong>ry <strong>and</strong> selection<br />

environment”. This implies a shift from a focus on evolution <strong>to</strong> co-evolution:<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>the</strong> way particular technological paths are embedded in, <strong>and</strong><br />

co-evolve with, broader <strong>institutional</strong> structures.<br />

Evolution of large technical systems<br />

This approach is especially relevant for <strong>the</strong> analysis of <strong>the</strong> electrity system as<br />

a system of technologies in which infrastructure plays a central role. Of<br />

crucial concern is <strong>the</strong> work of Thomas Hughes, who interpreted <strong>the</strong><br />

electricity system as a seamless web of interwoven elements of both a<br />

technical <strong>and</strong> non-technical nature (Hughes, 1983; 1987). His analysis thus<br />

focuses not on individual technologies but on <strong>the</strong> way <strong>the</strong> development of a<br />

variety of elements tends <strong>to</strong> reinforce <strong>the</strong> system as a whole, involving<br />

clusters of technologies <strong>and</strong> knowledge generation, <strong>and</strong> creating some<br />

specific dynamics as general underst<strong>and</strong>ing is created as <strong>to</strong> how <strong>to</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />

optimise <strong>and</strong> exp<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> system. This takes <strong>the</strong> form of engineering guiding<br />

principles such as how increasing scale of steam turbines is accompanied by<br />

higher efficiency, <strong>and</strong> by fine-tuning of <strong>the</strong> system with public policy, such<br />

as through <strong>the</strong> establishment of monopoly as <strong>the</strong> natural form of

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