FROM CHINAMWALI TO CHILANGIZO:
FROM CHINAMWALI TO CHILANGIZO: FROM CHINAMWALI TO CHILANGIZO:
church leaders, both men and women, and alangizi who have lived since the inception ofchilangizo and have been involved in the training ofother leaders. The rural members who had been previously initiated into the traditional rite were helpful in clarifying some details of the traditional rite. None of the girls I interviewed had undergone the traditional rite. Some of them had been instructed by the church while others had been instructed by a grandmother or an aunt on their first menses. However, the girls were able to voice their suggestions for an improved way of chilangizo in particular and the biblical instruction in general. Apart from Baptist members, I also interviewed five women outside the Baptist denomination and ten women from other ethnic groups in order to widen my under standing ofhow this cultural phenomenon is handled in other churches and societies. There were a number ofdifficulties encountered in the research. While I gained the con fidence of many rural instructresses because of my position as Amayi busa (pastor's wife) and teacher at the seminary, they perceived my role to be one who had authority from 'headquarters' to correct them and tell them the right way to carry out chilangizo. This tended to obscure the true picture of chilangizo. This became evident after several discussions. For example, many instructresses did not mention about the elongation of the labia minora until after several meetings. Similarly during participant observation, the instructresses thought I was checking whether they used the booklet or not, and this was evidenced in the way they read the booklet to the girls at the ceremony. Note taking, tape recording and photographs. From the beginning, I sought permis sion from informants to take notes and also to take photos where appropriate. Many church members were happy that their names would appear in a book and so did not mind my taking notes. With the traditional ceremony I was forbidden to take notes in public as it would mean revealing their secrets. However, during interviews many informants did not mind, though they did not feel comfortable for their names to appear in the book. Thus, all informants' names for the traditional customs do not appear in the text, and in the list of primary sources they appear by their titles only. Tape recording was mainly used for recording songs in the chinamwali and the 'mock' ceremonies. 11
Photographs visually enhance written description. However, taking photos can be dis ruptive especially with regard to initiation rites which are regarded as secret. For the church ceremonies, the women expressed appreciation of the photographs, but with regard to the traditional ceremony, only one group of anamkungwi during the 'mock' ceremonies was glad to be photographed. During the actual chinamwali I could only take photos of a few zirombo who were dancing away from the main function. I was forbidden to take other photos, and so no photos ofthe actual chinamwali appear in this dissertation. 5 1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The approach I bring into this study resonates with Howell's (1999:22) position who argues that: 'If the Gospel is to be the interpreter of culture, then learning the story behind events and rites, and understanding the meanings behind those rites and arte facts' is a key element to proper engagement of Gospel and culture. There is need for scriptural truths to re-interpret the overall general meanings as well as the specific meanings and practices that occur throughout the rites. Using Bediako's words (2001 :2), the Chewa Scriptures should therefore become the 'hermeneutic' or the inter preter of who the Chewa is in his or her culture. Gospel and culture encounter is 'more than the altering of surface elements like music, dance and artefacts' of the Chewa tra ditions and culture. In its entirety, the Gospel is a 'searchlight and a guide' of our cul tures to affirm what is good and rebuke what is tainted by sin. It is through the proc esses ofour mother tongue 6 language that God meets us to show us the right way. While the church booklet may contain some good elements, the general feeling is that there is something missing in the Christian initiation rites that is failing to meet the needs of the people. My argument is that there should be a way of reconstructing the church rites for Chewa girls that will appreciate the meaning ofthe whole rite as well as see how the Gospel does interpret this cultural phenomenon of chinamwali. Thus the reconstruction will only be possible ifthere is an attempt to learn about the Chewa past, their history environment and culture and also to search deeply into the Chewa 12
- Page 1: FROM CHINAMWALI TO CHILANGIZO: THE
- Page 4 and 5: MWACHIDULE Chimangiriro ichi chikuf
- Page 6 and 7: TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION n ABS
- Page 8 and 9: MAPS........................•...
- Page 10 and 11: 1. INTRODUCTION Ntchembere yanzeru,
- Page 12 and 13: My motivation, therefore, in the st
- Page 14 and 15: In her work, Women, Presbyterianism
- Page 16 and 17: This study covers female initiation
- Page 18 and 19: vation and interviewing. The method
- Page 22 and 23: Scriptures in order to understand w
- Page 24 and 25: 2. THE 'RELIGIOUS ITINERARY'? OF TH
- Page 26 and 27: name of a person or his title to de
- Page 28 and 29: lineage, and the whole community. F
- Page 30 and 31: cross boundaries), and ziwanda ('ev
- Page 32 and 33: ciation and 'celebration ofthe powe
- Page 34 and 35: 3. THE EMERGENCE OF THE SOUTHERN BA
- Page 36 and 37: (2001:12) points out, three things
- Page 38 and 39: tongues. Hilary Mijoga (1998:31) no
- Page 40 and 41: 2002). The two groups continued sep
- Page 42 and 43: instrumental in supporting the idea
- Page 44 and 45: On the mission field not all missio
- Page 46 and 47: Autonomy is a term which expresses
- Page 48 and 49: that our likulu is in heaven, and t
- Page 50 and 51: Chewa is that menstrual blood is sa
- Page 52 and 53: girls are 'captured' and put in the
- Page 54 and 55: nity of both the living and the anc
- Page 56 and 57: evil intentions at the initiation c
- Page 58 and 59: Makanja or namkhwanya are masked da
- Page 60 and 61: The first day's activities end with
- Page 62 and 63: Then at the end ofthe song all the
- Page 64 and 65: In the evening the initiates perfon
- Page 66 and 67: While singing the same song above,
- Page 68 and 69: the other being 'cutting' one's thr
Photographs visually enhance written description. However, taking photos can be dis<br />
ruptive especially with regard to initiation rites which are regarded as secret. For the<br />
church ceremonies, the women expressed appreciation of the photographs, but with<br />
regard to the traditional ceremony, only one group of anamkungwi during the 'mock'<br />
ceremonies was glad to be photographed. During the actual chinamwali I could only<br />
take photos of a few zirombo who were dancing away from the main function. I was<br />
forbidden to take other photos, and so no photos ofthe actual chinamwali appear in this<br />
dissertation. 5<br />
1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK<br />
The approach I bring into this study resonates with Howell's (1999:22) position who<br />
argues that: 'If the Gospel is to be the interpreter of culture, then learning the story<br />
behind events and rites, and understanding the meanings behind those rites and arte<br />
facts' is a key element to proper engagement of Gospel and culture. There is need for<br />
scriptural truths to re-interpret the overall general meanings as well as the specific<br />
meanings and practices that occur throughout the rites. Using Bediako's words<br />
(2001 :2), the Chewa Scriptures should therefore become the 'hermeneutic' or the inter<br />
preter of who the Chewa is in his or her culture. Gospel and culture encounter is 'more<br />
than the altering of surface elements like music, dance and artefacts' of the Chewa tra<br />
ditions and culture. In its entirety, the Gospel is a 'searchlight and a guide' of our cul<br />
tures to affirm what is good and rebuke what is tainted by sin. It is through the proc<br />
esses ofour mother tongue 6 language that God meets us to show us the right way.<br />
While the church booklet may contain some good elements, the general feeling is that<br />
there is something missing in the Christian initiation rites that is failing to meet the<br />
needs of the people. My argument is that there should be a way of reconstructing the<br />
church rites for Chewa girls that will appreciate the meaning ofthe whole rite as well as<br />
see how the Gospel does interpret this cultural phenomenon of chinamwali. Thus the<br />
reconstruction will only be possible ifthere is an attempt to learn about the Chewa past,<br />
their history environment and culture and also to search deeply into the Chewa<br />
12