FROM CHINAMWALI TO CHILANGIZO:

FROM CHINAMWALI TO CHILANGIZO: FROM CHINAMWALI TO CHILANGIZO:

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church leaders, both men and women, and alangizi who have lived since the inception ofchilangizo and have been involved in the training ofother leaders. The rural members who had been previously initiated into the traditional rite were helpful in clarifying some details of the traditional rite. None of the girls I interviewed had undergone the traditional rite. Some of them had been instructed by the church while others had been instructed by a grandmother or an aunt on their first menses. However, the girls were able to voice their suggestions for an improved way of chilangizo in particular and the biblical instruction in general. Apart from Baptist members, I also interviewed five women outside the Baptist denomination and ten women from other ethnic groups in order to widen my under­ standing ofhow this cultural phenomenon is handled in other churches and societies. There were a number ofdifficulties encountered in the research. While I gained the con­ fidence of many rural instructresses because of my position as Amayi busa (pastor's wife) and teacher at the seminary, they perceived my role to be one who had authority from 'headquarters' to correct them and tell them the right way to carry out chilangizo. This tended to obscure the true picture of chilangizo. This became evident after several discussions. For example, many instructresses did not mention about the elongation of the labia minora until after several meetings. Similarly during participant observation, the instructresses thought I was checking whether they used the booklet or not, and this was evidenced in the way they read the booklet to the girls at the ceremony. Note taking, tape recording and photographs. From the beginning, I sought permis­ sion from informants to take notes and also to take photos where appropriate. Many church members were happy that their names would appear in a book and so did not mind my taking notes. With the traditional ceremony I was forbidden to take notes in public as it would mean revealing their secrets. However, during interviews many informants did not mind, though they did not feel comfortable for their names to appear in the book. Thus, all informants' names for the traditional customs do not appear in the text, and in the list of primary sources they appear by their titles only. Tape recording was mainly used for recording songs in the chinamwali and the 'mock' ceremonies. 11

Photographs visually enhance written description. However, taking photos can be dis­ ruptive especially with regard to initiation rites which are regarded as secret. For the church ceremonies, the women expressed appreciation of the photographs, but with regard to the traditional ceremony, only one group of anamkungwi during the 'mock' ceremonies was glad to be photographed. During the actual chinamwali I could only take photos of a few zirombo who were dancing away from the main function. I was forbidden to take other photos, and so no photos ofthe actual chinamwali appear in this dissertation. 5 1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The approach I bring into this study resonates with Howell's (1999:22) position who argues that: 'If the Gospel is to be the interpreter of culture, then learning the story behind events and rites, and understanding the meanings behind those rites and arte­ facts' is a key element to proper engagement of Gospel and culture. There is need for scriptural truths to re-interpret the overall general meanings as well as the specific meanings and practices that occur throughout the rites. Using Bediako's words (2001 :2), the Chewa Scriptures should therefore become the 'hermeneutic' or the inter­ preter of who the Chewa is in his or her culture. Gospel and culture encounter is 'more than the altering of surface elements like music, dance and artefacts' of the Chewa tra­ ditions and culture. In its entirety, the Gospel is a 'searchlight and a guide' of our cul­ tures to affirm what is good and rebuke what is tainted by sin. It is through the proc­ esses ofour mother tongue 6 language that God meets us to show us the right way. While the church booklet may contain some good elements, the general feeling is that there is something missing in the Christian initiation rites that is failing to meet the needs of the people. My argument is that there should be a way of reconstructing the church rites for Chewa girls that will appreciate the meaning ofthe whole rite as well as see how the Gospel does interpret this cultural phenomenon of chinamwali. Thus the reconstruction will only be possible ifthere is an attempt to learn about the Chewa past, their history environment and culture and also to search deeply into the Chewa 12

church leaders, both men and women, and alangizi who have lived since the inception<br />

ofchilangizo and have been involved in the training ofother leaders. The rural members<br />

who had been previously initiated into the traditional rite were helpful in clarifying<br />

some details of the traditional rite. None of the girls I interviewed had undergone the<br />

traditional rite. Some of them had been instructed by the church while others had been<br />

instructed by a grandmother or an aunt on their first menses. However, the girls were<br />

able to voice their suggestions for an improved way of chilangizo in particular and the<br />

biblical instruction in general.<br />

Apart from Baptist members, I also interviewed five women outside the Baptist<br />

denomination and ten women from other ethnic groups in order to widen my under­<br />

standing ofhow this cultural phenomenon is handled in other churches and societies.<br />

There were a number ofdifficulties encountered in the research. While I gained the con­<br />

fidence of many rural instructresses because of my position as Amayi busa (pastor's<br />

wife) and teacher at the seminary, they perceived my role to be one who had authority<br />

from 'headquarters' to correct them and tell them the right way to carry out chilangizo.<br />

This tended to obscure the true picture of chilangizo. This became evident after several<br />

discussions. For example, many instructresses did not mention about the elongation of<br />

the labia minora until after several meetings. Similarly during participant observation,<br />

the instructresses thought I was checking whether they used the booklet or not, and this<br />

was evidenced in the way they read the booklet to the girls at the ceremony.<br />

Note taking, tape recording and photographs. From the beginning, I sought permis­<br />

sion from informants to take notes and also to take photos where appropriate. Many<br />

church members were happy that their names would appear in a book and so did not<br />

mind my taking notes. With the traditional ceremony I was forbidden to take notes in<br />

public as it would mean revealing their secrets. However, during interviews many<br />

informants did not mind, though they did not feel comfortable for their names to appear<br />

in the book. Thus, all informants' names for the traditional customs do not appear in the<br />

text, and in the list of primary sources they appear by their titles only. Tape recording<br />

was mainly used for recording songs in the chinamwali and the 'mock' ceremonies.<br />

11

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