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Full Report - Center for Collaborative Education

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Becoming fully literate in English, and more<br />

specifically, learning academic English at a level<br />

of proficiency that allows <strong>for</strong> successful academic<br />

experience in American schools is a critical challenge<br />

<strong>for</strong> English language learners and <strong>for</strong> the<br />

teachers, programs and schools that educate them.<br />

The task is as complex as the population of English<br />

language learners is diverse in its experience. In<br />

Boston, many ELLs are first generation immigrants<br />

but in all likelihood the majority are not, because of<br />

the vast representation of Puerto Ricans and of U.S.<br />

born ELLs who are children of recent immigrants. 1<br />

As shown earlier, Boston’s ELLs speak over 50 languages,<br />

although the majority are Spanish speakers.<br />

Many immigrant ELLs arrive from their country of<br />

origin at different ages and, in some cases, with<br />

strong academic preparation and solid literacy skills<br />

in their own language while, in others, newcomers<br />

have experienced interrupted or little <strong>for</strong>mal education<br />

and arrive in Boston with very weak literacy in<br />

their native language. Some U.S. born ELLs may<br />

not be literate either in their own language or in<br />

English. Language-related differences are not the<br />

only ones that characterize the population of ELLs.<br />

They differ in race, in class background and current<br />

economic status, in their experience of racism in the<br />

U.S., in their immigrant status, in the age at which<br />

they arrived in the U.S. They may come with traumatic<br />

experiences in the transition from countries of<br />

origin at war or undergo serious economic disruptions<br />

in their settlement in Boston.<br />

The process of acquiring academic language<br />

proficiency –which is required <strong>for</strong> ELLs to be at<br />

a level of English language development akin to<br />

that of English proficient students – is also highly<br />

complex. Although there has been substantial attention<br />

to the characteristics and implementation<br />

of programs <strong>for</strong> English language learners, in many<br />

cases the process of acquiring a second language<br />

is not well understood; even when understood, it<br />

is not completely accepted. A case in point is the<br />

role of a child’s first language (L1) in the acquisition<br />

of a second one (L2). Researchers have described<br />

the linkages between oral capacity and literacy in<br />

the native tongue, the acquisition of oral language<br />

ability in a second language, and impact of<br />

both on the development of effective academic<br />

language proficiency (Cummins, 2000; Riches &<br />

Genesee, 2006; Saunders & O’Brien, 2006). They<br />

have concluded that a strong base of oral language<br />

development in L1 facilitates acquisition of L2 oral<br />

language and literacy and that both contribute to<br />

the development of academic language. 2 In turn,<br />

the development of academic language proficiency<br />

facilitates the access to academic content in English<br />

Language Arts, math, science, humanities, etc.<br />

(Collier, 1987; Genesee, Lindholm-Leary, Saunders,<br />

& Christian, 2006; Thomas & Collier, 1997, among<br />

many others).<br />

Of great concern <strong>for</strong> educational policy and practice<br />

is the length of time that students need in order<br />

to successfully make the transition from no or low<br />

proficiency in English to a level of proficiency that<br />

permits access to academic content that is comparable<br />

to that of English proficient students. Thomas<br />

and Collier (1997), in one of the largest and most<br />

comprehensive studies on this theme, found that<br />

age at arrival, native language proficiency, and<br />

type of schooling in the U.S. influenced the time<br />

required <strong>for</strong> students to attain academic English<br />

proficiency. For example, they report that students<br />

who immigrated at age 8-11 acquired English more<br />

expediently than other groups. Older students with<br />

good native language literacy and academic language<br />

also did well, but those who arrived without<br />

a good base in their own language did not have<br />

good outcomes. Specifically, Thomas and Collier<br />

write that:<br />

• it takes a typical bilingually schooled student<br />

who is achieving at grade level in L1 about 4-7<br />

years to make it to grade level in L2.<br />

• it takes typical “advantaged” immigrants (those<br />

with 2-5 years of on-grade-level home country<br />

schooling in L1) from 5-7 years to reach grade<br />

level in L2,when schooled all in L2 in the U.S.<br />

• it takes the typical young immigrant schooled<br />

only in L2 in the U.S. 7-10 years or more to reach<br />

the grade level. The majority of these students<br />

do not ever make it to grade level without support<br />

<strong>for</strong> L1 academic and cognitive development.<br />

These findings held true regardless of the home language,<br />

country of origin, or socioeconomic status.<br />

Similarly, Hakuta, Butler, and Witt (2000), in a study<br />

of two Cali<strong>for</strong>nia districts considered successful in<br />

teaching English to ELLs, found that it takes three<br />

to five years to develop oral proficiency and four to<br />

seven years to acquire academic English proficiency.<br />

A similar time frame was reported by Cummins<br />

(2000), Pray and MacSwan (2002), and Suarez-<br />

Orozco, Suarez-Orozco, and Todorova (2008).<br />

Students in all-English instruction do not begin to<br />

show higher intermediate levels of English profi-<br />

Improving <strong>Education</strong>al Outcomes of English Language Learners in Schools and Programs in Boston Public Schools 39

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