Announcing 'Stammering Research' - Stammering Research - UCL
Announcing 'Stammering Research' - Stammering Research - UCL
Announcing 'Stammering Research' - Stammering Research - UCL
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<strong>Stammering</strong> <strong>Research</strong>. Vol. 1.<br />
researchers of face-to-face interaction are excluded from the analysis. A second significant advantage of<br />
telephone interaction is the fact that it is generally limited to two speakers. This focuses our attention on<br />
what is 'specifically dialogic in conversation: how speech action emerges across speaker turns' (Hopper<br />
1992:9). Finally, not only do telephone recordings eliminate the potential interference of multiple<br />
participants and non-verbal behaviour, but they also enable the researcher to obtain the complete<br />
conversation, from start to finish. This may be particularly significant in relation to stammering as it would<br />
facilitate an analysis of the potentially problematic opening moves of a conversation. Together these unique<br />
features of telephone interaction greatly simplify the transcription process and facilitate the task of the<br />
analyst.<br />
As telephone conversations display the purest instances of turn taking principles (Hopper 1992:100) our<br />
recordings should enable us to address the main issue that arises from the preceding discussion, namely<br />
how do participants know when it is their turn to speak. Given the preponderance of pauses within the turns<br />
of people who stammer, how can listeners be sure that similar silences at TRPs do not represent temporary<br />
dysfluency as opposed to a willingness to relinquish the floor? The short answer is that, in the absence of<br />
nonverbal information, they do not know for sure. However, this response tends to gloss over a number of<br />
interesting and complex issues and to put these in context I will briefly consider Robert Hopper's (1992)<br />
research which, among other things, examined the ways in which this dilemma is solved in 'normal'<br />
conversation. The main conclusions of his study were that speakership rarely changes following nontransition-relevant<br />
pauses, gaps are frequent, and most gaps do communicative work. Hopper used a<br />
randomizing procedure to select one hundred turn beginnings and while an analysis of these showed that<br />
most turn transition occurred smoothly he was startled to find that twenty eight turns began after a pause,<br />
many of which were of a duration longer than half a second.<br />
However, his analysis showed that seventeen of these could be explained in terms of the model<br />
developed by Sacks and his colleagues in that they marked actions such as disagreement or repair, while<br />
the others were examples of 'post episode-completion pauses' (see Hopper 1992:113). Moreover, by<br />
classifying every pause longer than two seconds in terms of its transition relevance, Hopper was able to<br />
conduct a statistical analysis of the relationship between transition relevance and speaker change. On the<br />
basis of this analysis of 1105 pauses, his predictions that speaker change was unlikely to occur following<br />
non-transition relevance pauses were confirmed. He also found that speaker change would occur nine times<br />
out of ten if a pause followed a 'current speaker selects next' procedure, but only half the time if the pause<br />
followed a TRP where a speaker selection device was not used. This led him to conclude that there was 'a<br />
distributional relationship between transition relevance and speaker change - at least within pause<br />
environments' (Hopper 1992:110). A more detailed analysis of exceptional cases served only to strengthen<br />
his conclusions and confirm the conventional model of transition relevance. So, for example, in the few<br />
instances where speaker change did occur at non-transition-relevant pauses (for example, when pauses<br />
immediately followed a TRP and a free-standing conjunction) these were marked as exceptional by the<br />
next speaker (see Hopper 1992:111). There were also cases in this corpus where speaker change was<br />
expected but did not occur, for example after a pause following the first part of an adjacency pair (see<br />
Section 4.2 below for a more detailed discussion of the concept of adjacency pair). However, these<br />
exceptions are also marked and Hopper's (1992:111) data suggests that 'if current speaker selects next,<br />
pauses, then takes another turn, that next turn shows orientation to the partner's failure to speak'.<br />
As Hopper's work can be seen as an empirical verification of the turn-taking rules it should serve as a<br />
provisional benchmark for analysis of telephone interaction involving people who stammer. On the basis<br />
of his research, and from my own preliminary observations, the location of silent blocks in relation to the<br />
turn taking system are likely to have a determining influence on the interactional repercussions of these<br />
dysfluencies. In other words, a silent speech blockage close to a TRP is likely to be treated differently by<br />
listeners than a similar blockage in the middle of a speaker’s turn. Moreover, this type of silent stammering,<br />
when it occurs at a TRP, will probably be more noticeable if the speaker has been other-selected rather than<br />
self-selected.<br />
From this perspective, the multifarious practices employed by people who stammer, many of which are<br />
frowned upon by speech therapists, take on a new significance. The use of 'starters', 'fillers' and various<br />
forms of circumlocution, often categorised as avoidance strategies, may serve an additional and quite<br />
paradoxical function. By enabling the speaker to secure his or her place at a TRP these devices help to<br />
ensure that the person who stammers does eventually get to convey his or her message. To prohibit their<br />
use may result in greater vulnerability at TRPs, certainly in the short term, and fewer opportunities to<br />
speak, especially in multi-party conversations. Of course, it is quite likely that these techniques are variants<br />
of the strategies commonly used by conversationalists to signal their intention to begin or continue<br />
speaking even before a response has been totally formulated. In these situations 'initiators' serve to secure<br />
or 'maintain the conversational turn while momentarily not contributing substantially to the conversational<br />
content' (Duckworth 1988:68). The main difference in relation to stammering is that many people who<br />
stammer know what they want to say but seem unable to deliver it fluently. By producing some form of<br />
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