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Announcing 'Stammering Research' - Stammering Research - UCL

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<strong>Stammering</strong> <strong>Research</strong>. Vol. 1.<br />

severe speech dysfluencies which results in interpersonal communication that is disjointed and strained. In<br />

this respect, it would be appropriate to examine the relationship between stammering and the turn taking<br />

model developed by Sacks and his colleagues, by engaging in a thorough analysis of conversational<br />

interaction involving people who stammer in terms of this model. This is likely to be quite a substantial<br />

and long-term project, the outcome of which would be a description of the general organisational<br />

mechanisms that shape these conversations and an examination of the degree to which the constraints<br />

imposed by the turn taking system contribute to speech patterns characteristic of people who stammer. A<br />

further issue to be considered is whether stammering violates the turn taking model, or sufficiently distorts<br />

it, to the extent that it could be regarded as an example of disadvantaged interaction. To put all of this in<br />

context, it is necessary to outline the key features of the turn-taking model for conversation as formulated<br />

by Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson (1978).<br />

The mechanics of turn-taking<br />

In order to explain the high degree of orderliness in conversation, Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson<br />

formulated a set of rules which serve to allocate turns within what they regard as a conversational<br />

economy. With access to the floor thus perceived as a scarce resource, it is the function of the turn<br />

management system to distribute turns among participants, the basic currency being turn constructional<br />

units. While these unit-types may take the form of words, phrases, clauses, or sentences, the important<br />

thing about each is that they are projectible, that is participants can predict where they will end. A<br />

speaker 14 beginning a turn is initially entitled to one such turn constructional unit, the completion of which<br />

constitutes a possible 'transition relevance place' (Sacks et al., 1978:12). The concept of a transition<br />

relevance place (hereafter TRP) is fundamental to the turn taking model and may be broadly defined as the<br />

point in a conversation where a natural transition of speakers may occur:<br />

This spot that participants recognize as the potential end of a turn, this place where a<br />

transition from one speaker to another becomes relevant, is called a 'transition relevance<br />

place' (Nofsinger 1991:81).<br />

It is here that the turn-taking rules governing the rights and responsibilities of speakers come into play. At<br />

each TRP three different techniques may be used by participants to determine the next speaker: 'current<br />

speaker selects next', 'any listener self-selects', and 'current speaker continues' (Nofsinger 1991:107). The<br />

first technique allows the current speaker to choose the next speaker during the course of the current<br />

utterance and if employed 'the party so selected has rights and is obliged to take next turn to speak' (Sacks<br />

et al., 1978:13). If the current speaker does not select the next speaker then any listener can select himself<br />

or herself as the next speaker, with the one who starts first acquiring rights to the turn. The main<br />

implication of this second option is that it puts a premium on starting quickly, a point I will return to later.<br />

Finally, if neither of the previous two techniques are employed then the third option, 'current speaker<br />

continues', may come into effect, in which case the system begins again at the next TRP. It is also worth<br />

noting that these options are hierarchically ordered, leaving current speaker the most powerful in the<br />

economics of next-speaker selection (Hopper, 1992:104).<br />

This model is characterised by Sacks et al. (1978:40) as a 'local management system', that is it operates<br />

on a turn by turn basis. In this respect it can be clearly distinguished from other speech exchange systems<br />

where turn allocation is determined in advance. It can also be described as 'interactionally managed' (Sacks<br />

et al., 1978:42) in the sense that what one person does or can do affects how the other participants behave.<br />

In short, Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson have 'demonstrated in great detail that turn transfer is<br />

interactionally managed through recursive procedures which enable very precise real-time co-ordination<br />

between speakers' (Heritage 1989:25).<br />

In compiling a list of 'grossly apparent facts' based upon their observations of ordinary conversations<br />

Sacks et al. (1978:10-11) identified the empirical constraints which any model of turn taking, including<br />

their own, must be capable of accommodating. Successive studies of talk-in-interaction have drawn heavily<br />

upon this material and a closer examination of some of these constraints, coupled with a consideration of<br />

some recent research in this area, will help to illustrate how the system described above is responsible for<br />

the regularities evident in everyday conversation. As many of these constraints have an added significance<br />

for people who stammer this discussion will act as a bridge into an examination of some of these issues.<br />

The practical implications of the model<br />

The significance of the rules developed by Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson lie in their ability to account<br />

for the basic regularities found in ordinary conversation. In general, conversation is remarkably orderly<br />

14 The ‘speaker’ here refers to the party that is currently talking and his/her conversational partner is<br />

referred to as the ‘listener’ or ‘recipient’. In ordinary conversation these roles alternate and speaker<br />

selection is governed by the operation of the turn-taking system.<br />

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