Announcing 'Stammering Research' - Stammering Research - UCL
Announcing 'Stammering Research' - Stammering Research - UCL
Announcing 'Stammering Research' - Stammering Research - UCL
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<strong>Stammering</strong> <strong>Research</strong>. Vol. 1.<br />
1990:286; Heritage 2003). While conceptually ethnomethodological, 5 it developed its own distinctive<br />
approach, methodology and topics of interest, based largely on the pioneering work of Harvey Sacks and<br />
his associates, Gail Jefferson and Emanuel Schegloff. Sacks believed that sociology could be a 'natural<br />
observational science', one that would be able to handle the details of actual events, 'formally and<br />
informatively' (Sacks 1984:21-27). This is the context in which he began to work with tape-recorded 6<br />
instances of naturally occurring conversations and the following extract helps to clarify his position:<br />
Such materials had a single virtue, that I could replay them. I could transcribe<br />
them somewhat and study them extendedly - however long it might take. It was<br />
not from any large interest in language or from some theoretical formulation of<br />
what should be studied that I started with tape-recorded conversations, but simply<br />
because I could get my hands on it and I could study it again and again, and also,<br />
consequentially, because others could look at what I had studied and make of it<br />
what they could, if, for example, they wanted to be able to disagree with me.<br />
The central goal of conversation analytic research, which is to describe and explicate 'the competences<br />
that ordinary speakers use and rely on in participating in intelligible, socially organized interaction'<br />
(Heritage & Atkinson 1984:1), clearly conforms to the ethnomethodological principles of locating and<br />
describing the methods and techniques that people use to produce and interpret social interaction. This<br />
represents a clear shift away from traditional sociological concerns 7 . In fact it is somewhat paradoxical<br />
that while talk is fundamental to social interaction the focus of conventional sociology has been on the<br />
content of talk rather than the analysis of talk as a subject in itself. The interview, for instance, is a<br />
primary data collection technique within sociology, yet it only uses talk as a means to obtain data.<br />
Conversation analysis redresses this imbalance to some extent, and by treating talk as a topic of inquiry<br />
in its own right, seeks to examine the structure and organization underlying it. Thus Button and Lee<br />
(1987:3) have characterised conversation analysis as a new style of sociology which leaves behind the<br />
positivistic and functionalist assumptions of the past and 'instead of using data as a resource to test<br />
theories as to the nature of social organisation, it examines the social organisation of materials in an<br />
attempt to describe and understand that nature'.<br />
Clearly conversation analysis represents a radical departure from the methods of social research<br />
traditionally adopted by social scientists. However this entails not just a critique of the quantitative<br />
techniques associated with survey and experimental research but also of those methods typically<br />
favoured by ethnographers. Although conversation analysis involves an in-depth analysis of naturally<br />
occurring data it differs from conventional field research in that it does not rely on the observer's<br />
memories and notes. The problem with traditional ethnography according to Psathas (1990:9) is that<br />
because field notes are 'subject to all the vagaries of attention, memory, and recall', we cannot recover<br />
and re-examine the interactional phenomena themselves. By contrast, the employment of audio and<br />
video technology enables conversation analysts to systematically and repeatedly examine the raw data<br />
of conversational interaction in its original form. Some of the methodological benefits generated by<br />
this distinctive form of data collection are clearly identified in the following extract from Atkinson and<br />
Heritage (1984:238):<br />
the use of recorded data is an essential corrective to the limitations of intuition and<br />
recollection. In enabling repeated and detailed examination of the events of<br />
elsewhere (see, for example, Lee, 1987:19-53; Goodwin and Heritage, 1990:283-287; Zimmerman,<br />
1988:406-412; Sharrock and Anderson 1987:290-321; Garfinkel, 1967; Heritage, 1984; Leiter, 1980;<br />
Benson and Hughes, 1983; Psathas, 1995: 3-8; Cmerjrkova and Previgano 2003).<br />
5 Developed by Harold Garfinkel, ethnomethodology refers to the study of commonsense knowledge<br />
and practical reasoning in everyday life. As Hutchby and Woffitt (1998) point out, from this<br />
perspective, the aim of sociology is to describe the methods that people use for accounting for their<br />
own and other’s actions. For a detailed exposition of this approach see Garfinkel (1967) or Heritage<br />
(1984).<br />
6 The ability to record and replay episodes of talk-in-interaction played a crucial role in the emergence<br />
of conversation analysis and the potential of current technology to make this data much more widely<br />
available is likely to have a similar impact on its ongoing development. In this context the move to<br />
make recordings of spontaneous speech data from speakers who stammer available to the research<br />
community through <strong>Stammering</strong> <strong>Research</strong> represents an exciting prospect for the future development<br />
of this field (see Howell and Huckvale, 2004 for details of this initiative).<br />
7 Although it has now developed into a truly interdisciplinary endeavour, in order to fully understand the<br />
methodological stance and preoccupations of conversation analysis, an appreciation of the precise nature of its<br />
relationship with sociology is necessary (see Lee 1987: 19-53 for a details of the connections between sociology and<br />
conversation analysis)<br />
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