Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
There are very few examples of clusters reflecting ON k(k)n. Without preaspiration we find ukr ‘parishes,’ which is cited several times, and with preaspiration we find hk ‘fog’ which appears once. Similarly, words reflecting ON t(t)n are scarce. The words v ‘witness’ and v ‘the water’ are cited, both without preaspiration. There are no “voiced versions” of these clusters. ON clusters with two consecutive stops (essentially pt and kt), as well as ks clusters, have no preaspiration in the Kökar dialect. ON pt is reflected as [f], e.g. f ‘bought,’ while kt is reflected as [k], as in vk ‘weight.’ ON ks clusters are reflected variously as [ks] or [k], e.g. æks ‘six’ and væk ‘grow.’ To sum up, the Kökar dialect has no distinction between preaspirated and unaspirated stops for /tn/, /tl/, /kt/, /pt/ and /ks/ clusters. They are always unaspirated. For //, /kn/ and /kl/ there is a distinction between preaspirated and unaspirated variants, which seems to reflect an ON quantity distinction. Since these clusters also have voiced variants, there is a three-way distinction between voiced, voiceless unaspirated and voiceless preaspirated clusters, as exemplified by u, hk and rhk. As was pointed out above, there is also a three-way distinction in non-clusters. The Kökar dialect also has voiceless sonorants before ON p, t, k. Karsten (1892:10, 37f) describes these as voiced during the initial part and voiceless in the latter part and comments that he feels that /l/ and /r/ have a greater degree of voicelessness than the nasals, but that they still are voiced at the onset. As examples of voiceless sonorants we find væhp ‘to throw,’ h ‘church,’ v ‘to starve,’ mjhk ‘milk,’ jhp ‘to help,’ vir ‘winter,’ vi ‘angle,’ ik ‘ham, buttock’ and fæm ‘fifteen.’ The Gräsö dialect (see section 3.5.3) has voicelessness in sonorants in such contexts which are very similar to those described for the Kökar dialect, and I have used the Gräsö data as an aid in interpreting Karsten’s transcriptions in these cases. 1 ON rt is not reflected with a voiceless sonorant but 1 Karsten uses a wedge symbol to indicate voicelessness in these sequences, e.g. . In this particular case, for instance, based on what we observe in the Gräsö dialect, my interpretation is that first a voiced flap is produced and then follows a period of preaspiration. – 84 –
instead as a preaspirated or an unaspirated retroflex stop, e.g. jh ‘heart’ and u ‘shirt.’ To summarise the development of ON stops in the Kökar dialect, Table 3–10 provides an overview of the way ON stops in different contexts are reflected in terms of voicing conditions. The conventions used in the table are explained at the end of section 3.1, where a similar table for Icelandic is presented. Table 3–10. Reflexes of ON stops in the Swedish Kökar dialect in terms of voicing conditions. (Further explanation in text and discussion of Table 3–1). ON examples 1 Kökar dialect tala ~ dala + mata = * skip * átta ~ odda vanta ~ vanda (mnlr) vakna (nlrjv) = * keypti (pt and kt) = vaxa (ks only) = Finally, Karsten remarks that at the time of his investigation, only the oldest generation conforms to the patterns of preaspiration described above. Middle-aged speakers have started to apply preaspiration to stops that have secondary lengthening (e.g., rhp ‘drop’) and the younger generation has an increasing tendency to omit preaspiration altogether. We now leave Kökar and consider several other locations, mainly to the north and east of Kökar, where preaspiration has been reported to occur. For these dialects the accounts are less detailed than for Kökar. According to Hultman (1894:257, 1939:253ff), apart from Kökar, ON pp, tt, kk are reflected as preaspirated in the parish of Kumlinge (i.e., the island of Kumlinge itself, as well as several smaller surrounding islands), which lies to the north of Kökar. Also, Hultman reports that east of 1 Glossary: tala ‘to speak,’ dala ‘valleys (gen.),’ mata ‘to feed,’ skip ‘ship,’ átta ‘eight,’ odda ‘points (obl.),’ vanta ‘to need,’ vanda ‘problem (obl.),’ vakna ‘to wake up (intr.),’ keypti ‘bought,’ vaxa ‘to grow.’ – 85 –
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There are very few examples of clusters reflect<strong>in</strong>g ON k(k)n.<br />
Without preaspiration we f<strong>in</strong>d ukr ‘parishes,’ which is cited several<br />
times, <strong>and</strong> with preaspiration we f<strong>in</strong>d hk ‘fog’ which appears<br />
once. Similarly, words reflect<strong>in</strong>g ON t(t)n are scarce. The words v<br />
‘witness’ <strong>and</strong> v ‘<strong>the</strong> water’ are cited, both without preaspiration.<br />
There are no “voiced versions” of <strong>the</strong>se clusters.<br />
ON clusters with two consecutive stops (essentially pt <strong>and</strong> kt), as<br />
well as ks clusters, have no preaspiration <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kökar dialect. ON pt is<br />
reflected as [f], e.g. f ‘bought,’ while kt is reflected as [k], as <strong>in</strong><br />
vk ‘weight.’ ON ks clusters are reflected variously as [ks] or [k],<br />
e.g. æks ‘six’ <strong>and</strong> væk ‘grow.’<br />
To sum up, <strong>the</strong> Kökar dialect has no dist<strong>in</strong>ction between preaspirated<br />
<strong>and</strong> unaspirated stops for /tn/, /tl/, /kt/, /pt/ <strong>and</strong> /ks/ clusters. They are<br />
always unaspirated. For //, /kn/ <strong>and</strong> /kl/ <strong>the</strong>re is a dist<strong>in</strong>ction between<br />
preaspirated <strong>and</strong> unaspirated variants, which seems to reflect an ON<br />
quantity dist<strong>in</strong>ction. S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>se clusters also have voiced variants, <strong>the</strong>re<br />
is a three-way dist<strong>in</strong>ction between voiced, voiceless unaspirated <strong>and</strong><br />
voiceless preaspirated clusters, as exemplified by u, hk <strong>and</strong><br />
rhk. As was po<strong>in</strong>ted out above, <strong>the</strong>re is also a three-way dist<strong>in</strong>ction<br />
<strong>in</strong> non-clusters.<br />
The Kökar dialect also has voiceless sonorants before ON p, t, k.<br />
Karsten (1892:10, 37f) describes <strong>the</strong>se as voiced dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial part<br />
<strong>and</strong> voiceless <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter part <strong>and</strong> comments that he feels that /l/ <strong>and</strong> /r/<br />
have a greater degree of voicelessness than <strong>the</strong> nasals, but that <strong>the</strong>y still<br />
are voiced at <strong>the</strong> onset. As examples of voiceless sonorants we f<strong>in</strong>d<br />
væhp ‘to throw,’ h ‘church,’ v ‘to starve,’<br />
mjhk ‘milk,’ jhp ‘to help,’ vir ‘w<strong>in</strong>ter,’ vi<br />
‘angle,’ ik ‘ham, buttock’ <strong>and</strong> fæm ‘fifteen.’ The Gräsö<br />
dialect (see section 3.5.3) has voicelessness <strong>in</strong> sonorants <strong>in</strong> such contexts<br />
which are very similar to those described for <strong>the</strong> Kökar dialect, <strong>and</strong> I<br />
have used <strong>the</strong> Gräsö data as an aid <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>in</strong>g Karsten’s transcriptions<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se cases. 1 ON rt is not reflected with a voiceless sonorant but<br />
1 Karsten uses a wedge symbol to <strong>in</strong>dicate voicelessness <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se sequences, e.g.<br />
. In this particular case, for <strong>in</strong>stance, based on what we observe <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gräsö<br />
dialect, my <strong>in</strong>terpretation is that first a voiced flap is produced <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n follows a<br />
period of preaspiration.<br />
– 84 –