Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ vs. /tak/ and /dit/ vs. /dit/) preaspiration proved to be a major distinguishing factor. Durational measurements for vowel, preaspiration and occlusion showed that in the VC words, the vowel occupied approximately one-third, the preaspiration slightly less than one-third and the closure slightly more than one-third of the entire VC interval. In the VC words, preaspiration duration was negligible, and the vowel occupied slightly more than half of the VC sequence, and the occlusion slightly less than half. Wretling et al. did not investigate the lenis stops, but presumably these are predominantly voiced in the corresponding contexts. According to Reitan (1930), the dialect of Särna in Northern Dalarna has a similar kind of distribution of preaspiration as the Hede dialect, at least in the speech of older informants. As in all preaspirating dialects, ON pp, tt, kk are preaspirated. But, contrary to the Hede dialect, instead of preaspirating word-final lengthened stops, the Särna dialect tends to preaspirate the intervocalic lengthened stops, although this is less than regular. In word-final position we get, for example, sk ‘shot’ and œ ‘meat.’ In intervocalic position we get, for example, rhk ‘spade’ and vehk beside vek ‘week.’ Again, it is tempting to see this as a development from the type of distribution we find in the Vemdalen dialect, but there is nothing that demands such a conclusion. Let us turn now to preaspiration in clusters. The discussion will be limited to the Vemdalen dialect, since it is there that we have the most complete description. According to Reitan, t(t)n, kkj and ttj are the only ON clusters that yield preaspiration in the Vemdalen dialect. As reflexes of ON t(t)n, we have examples such as in rhe ‘to rot’ and vh ‘water.’ ON ttj and kkj have merged into a preaspirated affricate, while tj and kj have merged into an unaspirated affricate. Relevant examples include føe ‘move’ (< ON flytja) and ryhe ‘yank’ (< ON rykkja). Thus, one can say that tj and kj have been treated like simple stops (not clusters) and ttj and kkj have been treated like geminate stops. ON tl yields a voiceless lateral (palatal under certain conditions), for example ie ‘small’ and mu ‘chew slowly’ (< ON mutla). ON p(p)t yields a voiceless labiodental fricative, as in juf ‘deep – 76 –
(neut.)’ and sfe ‘released.’ According to Reitan (1930:80), ON pn yields an /fn/ cluster and ON ps yields an /fs/ cluster, but he gives no examples of these. In all other cases, the reflexes of stops in ON p, t, k + l, n, r, t, s clusters are voiceless and unaspirated, irrespective of vowel length. Reitan’s examples include: kveke ‘come to life,’ ske ‘to miss,’ pe ‘apple,’ sre ‘to sip,’ ryke ‘yanked’ and sks ‘shears, scissors.’ Table 3–8. Reflexes of ON stops in three varieties of the Härjedalen dialect in Sweden in terms of voicing conditions. (Further explanation in text and discussion of Table 3–1.) ON examples 1 Vemdalen Hede Funäsdalen tala ~ dala + + + vita = * = * * skot = átta ~ odda vanta ~ vanda (mnlr) = varta elta ~ elda (lr) hjalpa (lr+pk) * * = * vatna (tn, tl ) vakna (pk+mnl) = = = ntra (rjv) = * = * = * vaxa (pk+ts) = = = In all dialects in Härjedalen, ON lt is reflected as a sequence of voiceless lateral and a voiceless, unaspirated stop, e.g. s ‘salt.’ Similarly, the r in ON rp and rk sequences is reflected as either a voiceless trill or as a retroflex sibilant: e.g., vpe or vpe ‘lay eggs,’ and sk or sk ‘strong.’ ON rt is reflected as a preaspirated retroflex stop in most of the dialects, e.g. svh ‘black.’ The sonorant + fortis 1 Glossary: tala ‘to speak,’ dala ‘valleys (gen.),’ vita ‘to know,’ skot ‘shot,’ átta ‘eight,’ odda ‘points (obl.),’ vanta ‘to need,’ vanda ‘problem (obl.),’ varta ‘wart,’ elta ‘to chase,’ elda ‘fires (gen.),’ hjalpa ‘help,’ vatna ‘waters, lakes (gen.),’ vakna ‘to wake up (intr.),’ nötra ‘to shiver,’ vaxa ‘to grow.’ – 77 –
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(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ vs. /tak/ <strong>and</strong> /dit/ vs. /dit/) preaspiration<br />
proved to be a major dist<strong>in</strong>guish<strong>in</strong>g factor. Durational measurements<br />
for vowel, preaspiration <strong>and</strong> occlusion showed that <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> VC words, <strong>the</strong><br />
vowel occupied approximately one-third, <strong>the</strong> preaspiration slightly less<br />
than one-third <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> closure slightly more than one-third of <strong>the</strong> entire<br />
VC <strong>in</strong>terval. In <strong>the</strong> VC words, preaspiration duration was negligible,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> vowel occupied slightly more than half of <strong>the</strong> VC sequence, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> occlusion slightly less than half. Wretl<strong>in</strong>g et al. did not <strong>in</strong>vestigate <strong>the</strong><br />
lenis stops, but presumably <strong>the</strong>se are predom<strong>in</strong>antly voiced <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
correspond<strong>in</strong>g contexts.<br />
Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Reitan (1930), <strong>the</strong> dialect of Särna <strong>in</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Dalarna<br />
has a similar k<strong>in</strong>d of distribution of preaspiration as <strong>the</strong> Hede dialect, at<br />
least <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> speech of older <strong>in</strong>formants. As <strong>in</strong> all preaspirat<strong>in</strong>g dialects,<br />
ON pp, tt, kk are preaspirated. But, contrary to <strong>the</strong> Hede dialect, <strong>in</strong>stead<br />
of preaspirat<strong>in</strong>g word-f<strong>in</strong>al leng<strong>the</strong>ned stops, <strong>the</strong> Särna dialect tends to<br />
preaspirate <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tervocalic leng<strong>the</strong>ned stops, although this is less than<br />
regular. In word-f<strong>in</strong>al position we get, for example, sk ‘shot’ <strong>and</strong><br />
œ ‘meat.’ In <strong>in</strong>tervocalic position we get, for example, rhk<br />
‘spade’ <strong>and</strong> vehk beside vek ‘week.’ Aga<strong>in</strong>, it is tempt<strong>in</strong>g to see<br />
this as a development from <strong>the</strong> type of distribution we f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Vemdalen<br />
dialect, but <strong>the</strong>re is noth<strong>in</strong>g that dem<strong>and</strong>s such a conclusion.<br />
Let us turn now to preaspiration <strong>in</strong> clusters. The discussion will be<br />
limited to <strong>the</strong> Vemdalen dialect, s<strong>in</strong>ce it is <strong>the</strong>re that we have <strong>the</strong> most<br />
complete description. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Reitan, t(t)n, kkj <strong>and</strong> ttj are <strong>the</strong><br />
only ON clusters that yield preaspiration <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Vemdalen dialect. As<br />
reflexes of ON t(t)n, we have examples such as <strong>in</strong> rhe ‘to rot’ <strong>and</strong><br />
vh ‘water.’ ON ttj <strong>and</strong> kkj have merged <strong>in</strong>to a preaspirated<br />
affricate, while tj <strong>and</strong> kj have merged <strong>in</strong>to an unaspirated affricate.<br />
Relevant examples <strong>in</strong>clude føe ‘move’ (< ON flytja) <strong>and</strong> ryhe<br />
‘yank’ (< ON rykkja). Thus, one can say that tj <strong>and</strong> kj have been treated<br />
like simple stops (not clusters) <strong>and</strong> ttj <strong>and</strong> kkj have been treated like<br />
gem<strong>in</strong>ate stops.<br />
ON tl yields a voiceless lateral (palatal under certa<strong>in</strong> conditions),<br />
for example ie ‘small’ <strong>and</strong> mu ‘chew slowly’ (< ON mutla).<br />
ON p(p)t yields a voiceless labiodental fricative, as <strong>in</strong> juf ‘deep<br />
– 76 –