Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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whether she thinks that leaving out preaspiration in VC syllables in Trønder Norwegian leads to a pronunciation that Trønder speakers would consider “un-Trønderish.” Thus as far as the Trønder dialect is concerned, this question is left open. 3.4.4 Senja In his account of the dialect spoken on the island Senja, which lies to the southwest of Tromsø in Northern Norway, Iversen (1913) describes what appears to be preaspiration. According to Iversen (ibid:8), an h-sound occurs before stops, especially “k(k)” in words like tahkk ‘thanks.’ He also comments that this is especially noticeable in the speech of children. Later, Iversen (ibid:24f) gives an impressionistic account of the way in which stress is realised before voiceless stops. What he describes seems to be preaspiration: The Senja dialect differs from the neighbouring dialects in this respect, in that it can place the syllable peak in a voiced aspirate or even in — or more strictly speaking: immediately before — a voiceless plosive. (Iversen, 1913: 24–5; my translation) Iversen claims that there is another type of realisation found only in the speech of the “older generation”: […] in a word like bak`ken the syllable-accent can actually have two peaks, such that first there is a rise in stress to a place inside the a, followed by a decrease in expiration strength, concomitant with a voiceless vowel glide; then again an increase in the air stream, as a rule with a postaspirated k […] (Iversen, 1913: 25; my translation) While it is difficult to know to what degree this impressionistic portrayal is reliable, it does seem that what Iversen is describing in this account of how stress is realised is a stop that is both preaspirated and postaspirated simultaneously. Data from one of the Åland dialect subjects (reviewed in Ch. 4, section 4.5.3.6) show that this type of realisation is possible. Beyond this, there is no first-hand information on preaspiration in the Senja dialect. And since Iversen’s comments give no clear indication that – 72 –
preaspiration in this dialect should be regarded as normative, this question remains open. Iversen’s comments about finding preaspiration primarily in the speech of children may seem rather odd. However, a somewhat similar observation has been made by Foulkes et al. (1999) in Tyneside English (cf. section 3.7). 3.5 Swedish dialects 3.5.1 Härjedalen and Northern Dalarna Härjedalen is a large mountainous region in central Scandinavia. 1 Preaspiration has been reported to occur in almost the whole area. The places most often mentioned in the context of preaspiration are Storsjö, Funäsdalen, Tännäs, Hede, Vemdalen, Linsäll, Sveg and Lillhärdal, all shown on the map in Figure 3-5. Also on the map are the neighbouring villages in Northern Dalarna, Idre and Särna, where preaspiration has been reported to occur. Within Härjedalen, the boundary for the preaspiration isogloss seems to run east of Sveg, since it is found neither in Älvros nor in Överhögdal (see map). Lundell (1879), Westin (1897) and Reitan (1930) all describe the preaspiration in the dialects of Härjedalen. Reitan provides the most complete description, which centres on the dialect in the village of Vemdalen, and the following account is based largely on his work. Reports on preaspiration in Northern Dalarna are less complete, and consist of a few remarks by Noreen (1903–7:485) and a brief discussion in Reitan (1930). As in most of the preaspirating dialects, the dialects of Härjedalen reflect the ON geminate fortis stops as preaspirated. For the Vemdalen dialect, Reitan gives examples such as shpe ‘to release,’ h ‘night,’ bhe ‘the creek’ and bhk ‘creek.’ 2 Other areas in which Reitan reports that such preaspiration occurs are south of Vemdalen 1 The area now belongs to Sweden, but from a linguistic perspective there is good reason to view the dialects of Härjedalen and Northern Dalarna as Norwegian rather than Swedish (cf. Reitan, 1930; Hansson, 1997). 2 Reitan uses h throughout (not superscript ). Also, Reitan’s impression is that the stop retains its length when it is preaspirated. Therefore he uses a geminate (pp, tt, kk) which is represented here as a long stop. – 73 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
Page 33 and 34: The fact that both preaspiration an
Page 35 and 36: have normative preaspiration, other
Page 37 and 38: usually expressed as unaspirated an
Page 39 and 40: while clusters have developed into
Page 41 and 42: ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
Page 43 and 44: y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
Page 45 and 46: ut this is not true of the “stand
Page 47 and 48: 2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
Page 49 and 50: The second criticism of Bladon’s
Page 51 and 52: in discharge rates in the auditory
Page 53: number of languages that possess se
Page 56 and 57: and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
Page 58 and 59: For the sake of simplicity and luci
Page 60 and 61: ‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
Page 62 and 63: Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
Page 66 and 67: Pind’s experiments as well as the
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
Page 76 and 77: grams), with the occasional aid of
Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
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To examine effects of syllable stru
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preaspiration for lexically stresse
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durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
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mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
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noise becomes audibly postalveolar
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As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
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most of the remaining instances he
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(comparable to our taverna type) ha
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The CSw data have shown that word-i
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golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
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o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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word-initial lenis stop preceded by
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(i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
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make it easier to refer to stops in
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[mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
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All subjects considered, for lenis
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Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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closure gesture. As the escape chan
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fricative constriction cannot be at
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is glottal during the first 50 ms.
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4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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from the preaspiration noise itself
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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