Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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grams), with the occasional aid of spectrograms. According to Wolter’s measurements, preaspiration duration is on average 90 ms in monosyllabic words (i.e., words with a VC structure) and 85 ms in disyllabic words (i.e., words with a VCV structure). In clusters (/p t k/ + /l n r t/) the preaspirations are somewhat shorter, ranging from 67–84 ms depending on the cluster. And as was mentioned before, no preaspiration occurred in /ps/ and /ks/ clusters. Unfortunately, Wolter did not measure the duration of the vowel preceding the stops. However, he does append to his thesis the entire set of mingograms for one reading of one subject, an 18-year-old male. Also appended are 17 spectrograms from two further subjects, 10 from a 21year-old female and 7 from 22-year-old female. These data only allow a coarse estimate of the durations, and at times require some educated guesswork. Nevertheless, to gain some insight into the relationship between vowel duration and preaspiration duration in this dialect, the approximate durations of vowel, breathiness, preaspiration and stop closure in both the mingograms and the spectrograms were measured. No sound recordings were available, thus no auditory analysis was possible. Pr duration (ms) 200 160 120 80 40 0 0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 VPr duration (ms) Figure 3-3. Preaspiration duration (Pr) plotted against the combined duration of vowel and preaspiration (VPr) for a subset of the data in Wolter’s (1966) study of the Jæren dialect. The available test words can be divided into three groups, according to syllable type: VC, VCV and VCCV syllables (e.g., vått ‘wet,’ åtte ‘eight’ and sakne ‘to miss’); 14 VC, 24 VCV, and 12 VCCV words were analysed, thus a total of 50 words. Figure 3-3 shows preaspiration – 64 –
duration (Pr) plotted against the combined duration of vowel and preaspiration (VPr) for all test words from all subjects. 1 It is evident that Pr duration increases with increased VPr duration. The ratio of Pr to VPr (a measure of how much of the vowel + preaspiration interval is taken up by preaspiration) even seems to increase slightly with increased VPr duration. These results are very similar to the results from other preaspirating dialects, for example Faroese (cf. Ch. 4, section 4.3). One should keep in mind that these data come from read word lists while the data on Faroese are from spontaneous speech. Wolter did not consider the production of sonorants before stops in his survey of the Stavanger-Sandnes dialect. However, Oftedal (1972) describes the general characteristics of the dialect he calls Urban Jæren, which comprises only the town of Sandnes, and Rural Jæren, which comprises all other parts of Jæren south of Sandnes (including Gjesdal). According to Oftedal, the sonorants are partially voiceless and /r/ fully voiceless in both Rural and Urban Jæren. 3.4.2 Gudbrandsdalen Hesselman (1905:10ff), Ross (1907:37ff) and Storm (1908:60, 150) describe preaspiration of fortis stops in the dialects of several parishes in the northern part of Gudbrandsdalen in Norway (see map in Figure 3-4). 2 The most extensive description is provided by Ross, who draws mostly on the community of Vågå for his examples. However, his text includes numerous examples from Lesja, Skjåk, Sel, Lom, Dovre and Fron. The informants seem to come mostly from the main villages in these parishes. The dialects in the northern part of Gudbrandsdalen are, in fact, better known for their quantity system than for preaspiration. Most of the languages and dialects that derive from Old Norse have a two-way 1 Since preaspiration duration is partly being plotted against itself, the trend line should not be taken to show a statistically valid. However it does provide a visual indication of how preaspiration duration changes as a function of the duration of the vowel + preaspiration sequence (cf. Ch. 4, section 4.1.3). 2 See also Marstrander (1932), who provides no transcribed examples from these dialects, but offers some impressionistic comments concerning preaspiration. According to him, preaspiration is “very common” in Lesja and Dovre, “fairly clear” in Skjåk, “clear” in Sel, “fairly weak, but at times clear” in Vågå and “hardly noticeable” in Lom. – 65 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
Page 25 and 26: and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
Page 27 and 28: turn into ChV sequences in which V
Page 29 and 30: 2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
Page 31 and 32: The similarity in gestural organisa
Page 33 and 34: The fact that both preaspiration an
Page 35 and 36: have normative preaspiration, other
Page 37 and 38: usually expressed as unaspirated an
Page 39 and 40: while clusters have developed into
Page 41 and 42: ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
Page 43 and 44: y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
Page 45 and 46: ut this is not true of the “stand
Page 47 and 48: 2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
Page 49 and 50: The second criticism of Bladon’s
Page 51 and 52: in discharge rates in the auditory
Page 53: number of languages that possess se
Page 56 and 57: and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
Page 58 and 59: For the sake of simplicity and luci
Page 60 and 61: ‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
Page 62 and 63: Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
Page 66 and 67: Pind’s experiments as well as the
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85: whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
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very large, since postaspiration wa
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Several spectrographic examples of
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The data indicate that there is lit
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produced and in 9 cases there were
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To examine effects of syllable stru
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preaspiration for lexically stresse
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durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
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mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
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noise becomes audibly postalveolar
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As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
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most of the remaining instances he
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(comparable to our taverna type) ha
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The CSw data have shown that word-i
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golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
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o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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word-initial lenis stop preceded by
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(i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
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make it easier to refer to stops in
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[mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
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All subjects considered, for lenis
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Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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closure gesture. As the escape chan
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fricative constriction cannot be at
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is glottal during the first 50 ms.
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4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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from the preaspiration noise itself
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
Page 242 and 243:
higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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