Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Table 3–4. Reflexes of ON stops in Faroese in terms of voicing conditions (further explanation in text and discussion of Table 3–1). ON examples 1 Area 1 Area 2 Area 3 tala ~ dala + =/ + =/ + ? mata * = lita = = átta ~ odda = = = ? vanta ~ vanda (mnlr) = = = ? heilsa (mnlr) /= ? 2 vatna (ptk+n, tl ) * * * jklar (pl, kl ) = = ? ntra (ptk+rjv) = = ? vaxa (pk+ts) ? 3.4 Norwegian dialects 3.4.1 Jæren Preaspirated stops have been reported to occur in Jæren on the southwesternmost tip of Norway (see map in Figure 3-2). The existing descriptions pertain mainly to two areas, Gjesdal on the one hand and Stavanger and Sandnes on the other, although preaspiration seems to occur across all of Jæren (Oftedal, 1972 3 ). The stop systems in the dialects described are similar, but there are some differences in detail that warrant that they be discussed separately. Oftedal (1947) gives an account of the stop system in the Gjesdal dialect. His observations are impressionistic and he relies on one infor- 1 Glossary: tala ‘to speak,’ dala ‘valleys (gen.),’ mata ‘to feed,’ lita ‘to colour,’ átta ‘eight,’ odda ‘points (obl.),’ vanta ‘to need,’ vanda ‘problem (obl.),’ heilsa ‘health,’ vatna ‘waters, lakes (gen.),’ jöklar ‘glaciers,’ nötra ‘to shiver,’ vaxa ‘to grow.’ 2 I have only anecdotal information that the sonorants before [s] are voiced in Suðurey. 3 For example, Oftedal (1972:431) comments that in both Gjesdal (in the easternmost part of Jæren) and Varhaug (in the southernmost part) speakers “preaspirate their postvocalic tenues quite as strongly and audibly as most Icelanders.” He also says that the Rural Jæren dialects are “remarkably homogenous” (ibid. p. 424). However, he does not give any further description of the preaspiration in Varhaug. – 60 –
mant for his examples, but makes it clear that he has made observations of other speakers of the Gjesdal dialect as well. First, the ON geminate fortis stops, pp, tt, kk, are preaspirated in the Gjesdal dialect. This we see in words such as sp ‘release,’ k ‘cat,’ and sk ‘bag.’ 1 The corresponding ON singleton stops, p, t, k, are produced as voiceless (or half-voiced) stops, as in, for example, o ‘open (adj.)’ and sjo ‘boil.’ 2 The development of the basic contrasts in the stop system from ON is therefore similar to that in Southern Icelandic and Area 2 Faroese. Stavanger K L E P P Bryne Varhaug S O L A Kleppe Närbø Sandnes T I M E HÅ Vigrestad 0 10 20 km S A N D N E S – 61 – Oltedal Ålgård G J E S D A L B J E R K R E I M Jæren Figure 3-2. Jæren, Stavanger and Sandnes in Southwestern Norway. Also shown is the area of Bjerkreim discussed in Chapter 4, section 4.5.2. The Gjesdal dialect has borrowed words, especially from other Norwegian dialects. Under certain conditions, such borrowings can contain a 1 All the examples from the Gjesdal dialect given here are from Oftedal (1947), adapted to current IPA usage with minor modifications. His use of a superscript [] for preaspiration is kept here. The use of a double bracket for these transcriptions indicates that they are citations from Oftedal’s text (cf. section 3.1 earlier). 2 This has resulted in a merger of ON postvocalic t with d and k with g in many contexts.
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mant for his examples, but makes it clear that he has made observations<br />
of o<strong>the</strong>r speakers of <strong>the</strong> Gjesdal dialect as well.<br />
First, <strong>the</strong> ON gem<strong>in</strong>ate fortis stops, pp, tt, kk, are preaspirated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Gjesdal dialect. This we see <strong>in</strong> words such as sp ‘release,’ k<br />
‘cat,’ <strong>and</strong> sk ‘bag.’ 1 The correspond<strong>in</strong>g ON s<strong>in</strong>gleton stops, p, t, k,<br />
are produced as voiceless (or half-voiced) stops, as <strong>in</strong>, for example,<br />
o ‘open (adj.)’ <strong>and</strong> sjo ‘boil.’ 2 The development of <strong>the</strong> basic<br />
contrasts <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> stop system from ON is <strong>the</strong>refore similar to that <strong>in</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
Icel<strong>and</strong>ic <strong>and</strong> Area 2 Faroese.<br />
Stavanger<br />
K L E P P<br />
Bryne<br />
Varhaug<br />
S O L A<br />
Kleppe<br />
Närbø<br />
S<strong>and</strong>nes<br />
T I M E<br />
HÅ<br />
Vigrestad<br />
0 10 20 km<br />
S A N D N E S<br />
– 61 –<br />
Oltedal<br />
Ålgård<br />
G J E S D A L<br />
B J E R K R E I M<br />
Jæren<br />
Figure 3-2. Jæren, Stavanger <strong>and</strong> S<strong>and</strong>nes <strong>in</strong> Southwestern Norway. Also<br />
shown is <strong>the</strong> area of Bjerkreim discussed <strong>in</strong> Chapter 4, section 4.5.2.<br />
The Gjesdal dialect has borrowed words, especially from o<strong>the</strong>r Norwegian<br />
dialects. Under certa<strong>in</strong> conditions, such borrow<strong>in</strong>gs can conta<strong>in</strong> a<br />
1<br />
All <strong>the</strong> examples from <strong>the</strong> Gjesdal dialect given here are from Oftedal (1947), adapted<br />
to current IPA usage with m<strong>in</strong>or modifications. His use of a superscript [] for preaspiration<br />
is kept here. The use of a double bracket for <strong>the</strong>se transcriptions <strong>in</strong>dicates that<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are citations from Oftedal’s text (cf. section 3.1 earlier).<br />
2<br />
This has resulted <strong>in</strong> a merger of ON postvocalic t with d <strong>and</strong> k with g <strong>in</strong> many<br />
contexts.
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