Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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Pind’s experiments as well as the durational data presented in the preceding section, show that proportional durations are better suited to elucidate durational information from the production data than are absolute durations alone. However, one should keep in mind that Pind’s findings relate to Icelandic, which demonstrably has complementary length distribution. It should not be taken for granted that an approach highlighting Pr/VPr ratios is appropriate for all languages that have preaspiration. 3.3 Faroese The presence of preaspirated stops in Faroese was noted by Jacobsen as early as 1891 and has been discussed by a number of researchers since, e.g. Jacobsen & Matras (1927–28), Naert (1958), Rischel (1961), Werner (1963), Zachariasen (1968), Henriksen (1983), Petersen et al. (1998) and Petersen (1994–5). The descriptions of the phonological distribution of preaspiration presented by these authors differ. They all agree on the presence of preaspiration before stops that derive from ON pp, tt, kk (which yield VC syllables in Modern Faroese). This is reflected in the data analysed for the present study, where we find, for example, [klhp] glopp ‘gap,’ [h] troyttur ‘tired’ and [phk] bakkar ‘banks (e.g., of a river).’ Although it is not explicitly stated, one can infer from these descriptions that clusters of ON pp, tt, kk + n, l, r, j, v (containing what is presumably a geminate fortis 1 stop in ON) are also preaspirated in Faroese today. The available data do not contain any such examples, but they are found in words like kettlingur ‘kitten,’ styttri ‘shorter’ and lykkja ‘loop.’ However, as regards reflexes of ON p, t, k in words like leypa ‘to run,’ litur ‘colour’ and baka ‘to bake,’ which in Modern Faroese have a VC syllable structure, the descriptions are contradictory. According to the earlier sources (e.g., Jacobsen 1891, Jacobsen & Matras 1927–28, Rischel 1961, Werner 1963), ON fortis stops are preaspirated in VC syllables only if the preceding vowel is a diphthong that ends as a close 1 Again it should be pointed out that the use of the terms “fortis” and “lenis” does not express a phonetic differenciation, but instead provides a way of distinguishing between the two stop series on an abstract level. – 54 –
vowel (i.e., [i] or [u]). All other vowels, including close monophthongs ([i] and [u]), seem to block preaspiration. Table 3–3. Main dialectal divisions in the production of Faroese VC syllables, where C is a reflex of ON p, t, k. Based on Petersen (1994–5). Area 1 Area 2 Area 3 Region Context & realisation Mykines, Vágar, Eysturoy, Northern Streymoy; (see area in Fig. 3.1) Norðoyar, Southern Streymoy; (see area in Fig. 3.1) Sandoy, Suðuroy; (see area in Fig. 3.1) – 55 – + p/p / / k/k + hp h h hk V + p k V + b More recent accounts (e.g., Henriksen 1983, Petersen 1994–5 and Petersen et al. 1998) are quite at odds with these earlier descriptions. According to Petersen (1994–5), the Faroes can be divided into three main areas with regard to how such sequences are produced, which will be referred to here simply as Area 1, Area 2, and Area 3 (see Table 3–3 and map in Figure 3-1 for further specifications of these areas). Preaspiration in VC syllables is found only in Area 1, and then only if the stop is preceded by a non-close vowel (i.e., [ e ø o] 1 ). After close vowels (i.e., [i u] 2 ) stops are voiceless and unaspirated or (sporadically) slightly postaspirated. In Area 1, therefore, one would expect leypa to be produced as [lp] or [lp] and baka as [pk]. 3 Note that this is almost the reverse of the earlier description. 1 These are represented as [aa e ø o] in, e.g., Petersen et al. (1998). The most common orthographic representations for these vowels are á, a/æ, e, ø and o. 2 These are represented as [i uiu œu aiii] in, e.g., Petersen et al. (1998). Orthographically, these are commonly represented as i/y, u, í/ý, ú, ó, ei, ey and oy. 3 Also, although this is not mentioned by Petersen, one might expect to find a contrast between unaspirated and preaspirated stops after long vowels in Area 1. The Faroese data analysed in Chapter 4 indicate, for example, that one of the subjects produces the “native” word eta ‘to eat’ as [eh], while the loan word sleta ‘sleigh’ is produced as [sle].
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
Page 16 and 17: Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
Page 18 and 19: lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
Page 20 and 21: closure, decay time of the glottal
Page 23 and 24: 2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
Page 25 and 26: and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
Page 27 and 28: turn into ChV sequences in which V
Page 29 and 30: 2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
Page 31 and 32: The similarity in gestural organisa
Page 33 and 34: The fact that both preaspiration an
Page 35 and 36: have normative preaspiration, other
Page 37 and 38: usually expressed as unaspirated an
Page 39 and 40: while clusters have developed into
Page 41 and 42: ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
Page 43 and 44: y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
Page 45 and 46: ut this is not true of the “stand
Page 47 and 48: 2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
Page 49 and 50: The second criticism of Bladon’s
Page 51 and 52: in discharge rates in the auditory
Page 53: number of languages that possess se
Page 56 and 57: and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
Page 58 and 59: For the sake of simplicity and luci
Page 60 and 61: ‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
Page 62 and 63: Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
Page 76 and 77: grams), with the occasional aid of
Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85: whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
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Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
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and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
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ducing breathiness into the voice q
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Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
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4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
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very large, since postaspiration wa
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Several spectrographic examples of
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The data indicate that there is lit
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produced and in 9 cases there were
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To examine effects of syllable stru
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preaspiration for lexically stresse
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durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
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mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
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noise becomes audibly postalveolar
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As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
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most of the remaining instances he
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(comparable to our taverna type) ha
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The CSw data have shown that word-i
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golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
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o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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word-initial lenis stop preceded by
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(i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
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make it easier to refer to stops in
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[mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
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All subjects considered, for lenis
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Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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closure gesture. As the escape chan
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fricative constriction cannot be at
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is glottal during the first 50 ms.
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4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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from the preaspiration noise itself
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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