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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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of disyllabic words embedded <strong>in</strong> frame sentences. The words tested<br />

were 1 :<br />

Lenis Fortis Fortis<br />

gem<strong>in</strong>ate s<strong>in</strong>gleton gem<strong>in</strong>ate<br />

Bilabial gabba gapa happa<br />

Dental gadda gata hattur<br />

Palatal haggi haki bakki<br />

Velar hagga haka hakka<br />

Each of <strong>the</strong>se words was recorded once for each subject. Thus a total<br />

of 144 observations were made, 48 for each of three stop categories: reflexes<br />

of ON lenis gem<strong>in</strong>ates (e.g. hagga [hk]), fortis s<strong>in</strong>gletons (e.g.<br />

haka [hk]) <strong>and</strong> fortis gem<strong>in</strong>ates (e.g. hakka [hhk]). Indriðason et<br />

al. measured vowel (V) duration, preaspiration (Pr) duration (where<br />

applicable), stop occlusion (O) duration, <strong>and</strong> postaspiration (Po) duration<br />

(i.e., VOT). As regards segmentation criteria, it appears that voice onset<br />

<strong>and</strong> offset were used to delimit <strong>the</strong> onset of preaspiration <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> cessation<br />

of postaspiration, respectively. Thus, <strong>the</strong> period of breathy voice that<br />

often precedes a preaspiration <strong>and</strong> follows a postaspiration does not seem<br />

to be <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir measurements of aspiration duration.<br />

Table 3–2 provides a summary of <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs of Indriðason et al. for<br />

mean durations <strong>in</strong> vowel + stop sequences <strong>in</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>and</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Icel<strong>and</strong>ic.<br />

These means have been obta<strong>in</strong>ed by averag<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> results for bilabial,<br />

dental <strong>and</strong> velar stops (i.e., palatal stops are excluded). The table<br />

also <strong>in</strong>dicates <strong>the</strong> C/VC ratio, where C is <strong>the</strong> comb<strong>in</strong>ed duration of Pr<br />

(where present), O <strong>and</strong> Po.<br />

Their results reflect <strong>the</strong> fact that both Sou<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>and</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Icel<strong>and</strong>ic<br />

have complementary length distribution (see Bannert 1979 for<br />

similar results for Swedish). This implies that stressed syllables have<br />

ei<strong>the</strong>r a VC structure or a VC structure <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> durational ratio between<br />

vowel <strong>and</strong> consonant is relatively constant, at least compared with<br />

absolute durations. For VC syllables (i.e., haka type words), <strong>the</strong> VC sequence<br />

is split almost equally between V <strong>and</strong> C <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn dialect.<br />

1 Glossary: gabba ‘to fool,’ gapa ‘to gape,’ happa ‘luck, chance (gen pl.),’ gadda ‘tack<br />

(acc. pl.),’ gata ‘road,’ hattur ‘hat,’ hagga ‘to budge,’ haka ‘ch<strong>in</strong>,’ hakka ‘to hack,’<br />

haggi ‘budge (1sg. conj.),’ haki ‘pick’ <strong>and</strong> bakki ‘bank, hill.’<br />

– 51 –

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