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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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Although phonemic merger may be <strong>the</strong> most commonly observed<br />

type of change, <strong>the</strong> literature is riddled with examples of changes that<br />

leave contrast preserved. Numerous vowel cha<strong>in</strong>-shifts have been described<br />

<strong>and</strong> reconstruction of many language families suggests a great<br />

many cases of retention of phonological contrast despite phonetic<br />

changes. Rischel’s (1998) discussion of tone split <strong>in</strong> Thai provides a<br />

clear example of this type of contrast preservation. Rischel (1998:1f)<br />

remarks that “<strong>the</strong> tone splits which we can observe <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> modern [Thai]<br />

dialects, are <strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>and</strong> functionally optimal solutions to <strong>the</strong> preservation<br />

of contrast between syllable types.”<br />

The listener misperception scenario promoted by Ohala appears not<br />

to predict <strong>the</strong> type of contrast preservation that one f<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature.<br />

To be sure, <strong>the</strong> listener’s primary task <strong>in</strong> his framework is to preserve<br />

pronunciation norms (through corrective processes) <strong>and</strong> not to change<br />

<strong>the</strong>m. However, <strong>the</strong> observation that a host of changes that appear to be<br />

cha<strong>in</strong> reactions take place <strong>in</strong> a language with<strong>in</strong> a short period of time (as<br />

we observe <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Nordic</strong> languages <strong>and</strong> Thai, for example) is not fully<br />

compatible with <strong>the</strong> view that sound change is accidental. The adaptations<br />

of Ohala’s model offered by L<strong>in</strong>dblom et al. may offer a better<br />

way of deal<strong>in</strong>g with <strong>the</strong> observed changes. However, <strong>the</strong>y also entail<br />

criticisms of teleology. Therefore, it can be claimed that we do not really<br />

have a satisfactory account of diachronic phonetic change at present.<br />

This dilemma is not new. Sapir (1921) discussed <strong>the</strong> problem of<br />

sound change (or, <strong>in</strong> his term<strong>in</strong>ology, phonetic drift) at length <strong>and</strong> concluded:<br />

The easy explanations will not do. “Ease of articulation” may enter <strong>in</strong><br />

as a factor but it is a ra<strong>the</strong>r subjective concept at best. […] “Faulty<br />

perception” does not expla<strong>in</strong> that impressive drift <strong>in</strong> speech sounds<br />

that I have <strong>in</strong>sisted upon. It is much better to admit that we do not yet<br />

underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> primary cause or causes of <strong>the</strong> slow drift <strong>in</strong> phonetics,<br />

though we can frequently po<strong>in</strong>t to contribut<strong>in</strong>g factors.<br />

(Sapir, 1921:183)<br />

It is possible that <strong>the</strong> discussion of sound change has centred too<br />

heavily on phonological contrast. Of course, contrast is a key element <strong>in</strong><br />

speech, but it is not necessarily <strong>the</strong> ultimate target of utterance plans, as<br />

often seems to be implied <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature. Convey<strong>in</strong>g sociol<strong>in</strong>guistic<br />

– 241 –

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