Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
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o<strong>the</strong>rs. In this way, some speakers may produce “fortuitous” preaspirations<br />
that are short but salient. Fur<strong>the</strong>r, it was suggested that a process of<br />
change similar to that proposed by Ohala (1981, 1993) could account for<br />
<strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>troduction of preaspirated variants <strong>in</strong>to speech production. Based<br />
on <strong>the</strong> data on phonetic variation <strong>in</strong> CSw, it was suggested that such<br />
preaspirated variants may not have been employed by all speakers, but<br />
were still a part of <strong>the</strong> pronunciation norms. Thus, preaspiration was nonnormative,<br />
i.e. <strong>the</strong> tim<strong>in</strong>g of voice offset relative to stop closure <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
production of fortis stops was—<strong>and</strong> still is <strong>in</strong> most of Sc<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>avia—<br />
relatively free. The time at which this relative freedom <strong>in</strong> voice offset<br />
became established is unknown, but <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> scenario proposed here one<br />
must assume that it was already <strong>the</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ant pattern <strong>in</strong> PN.<br />
At this stage, <strong>the</strong>n, PN had <strong>the</strong> phonetic preconditions necessary for<br />
preaspiration to become normative. This did occur <strong>in</strong> several areas. In<br />
each area, <strong>the</strong> exact conditions under which <strong>the</strong> transition from nonnormative<br />
to normative status differed, <strong>and</strong> consequently <strong>the</strong> phonological<br />
distribution of preaspiration differs considerably between dialects.<br />
Also, <strong>in</strong> some areas a typologically more usual development occurred<br />
<strong>and</strong> postaspirations became normative. The change from non-normative<br />
to normative preaspiration, it was proposed, <strong>in</strong>volves noth<strong>in</strong>g more than<br />
<strong>the</strong> restructur<strong>in</strong>g of phonetic variation such that variants without preaspiration<br />
disappear from <strong>the</strong> pool of variation. Consequently, <strong>the</strong> relative<br />
freedom <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> tim<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> laryngeal <strong>and</strong> oral gestures that had previously<br />
been dom<strong>in</strong>ant becomes more limited.<br />
5.6 F<strong>in</strong>al remarks<br />
In Ohala’s (1993:244) view, changes <strong>in</strong> norms do not, as such, constitute<br />
sound change, precisely because “<strong>the</strong>y do not necessarily <strong>in</strong>volve<br />
a change <strong>in</strong> pronunciation norm.” This po<strong>in</strong>t cannot be disputed, s<strong>in</strong>ce<br />
“sound change” is generally used to refer to phonological change ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than phonetic change. However, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> E/C model, phonetic variation is<br />
dynamic <strong>and</strong> partly governed by convention, <strong>and</strong> thus only partly a predictable<br />
<strong>and</strong> fortuitous by-product of speech production. The data<br />
reviewed <strong>in</strong> Chapter 4 clearly demonstrate this. Changes <strong>in</strong> phonetic<br />
variation, for example an expansion or contraction <strong>in</strong> a given phonetic<br />
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