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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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The case of preaspiration can be described <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same E/C manner.<br />

In CSw today, <strong>the</strong> scope of phonetic variation with regard to preaspiration<br />

is roughly equivalent with stage t3 or t4 <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> vowel change example.<br />

Note that this does not imply that <strong>the</strong>re is a change <strong>in</strong> progress.<br />

The fact that stage t4 <strong>in</strong> our hypo<strong>the</strong>tical vowel change is transitory applies<br />

to that change <strong>and</strong> not necessarily to o<strong>the</strong>rs. As previously <strong>in</strong>dicated,<br />

I believe that <strong>the</strong> relative freedom <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of voice offset<br />

relative to oral closure has been a stable feature of most dialects <strong>in</strong> Sc<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>avia<br />

for more than a thous<strong>and</strong> years. In some areas <strong>the</strong> structure of<br />

phonetic variation for <strong>the</strong>se stops has changed. The relative freedom <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> tim<strong>in</strong>g of voice offset has been restricted to encompass only preaspirated<br />

variants or unaspirated variants. In cases <strong>in</strong> which preaspiration has<br />

become normative, <strong>the</strong> change has been described as one by which, for<br />

example, /tt/ becomes /ht/. Aga<strong>in</strong>, however, that does not entail that any<br />

s<strong>in</strong>gle speaker at any time has been required to perform a phonological<br />

re<strong>in</strong>terpretation of <strong>the</strong> stops. A parallel case can be made for postaspiration.<br />

Let us now consider voicelessness <strong>in</strong> nasals before fortis stops. The<br />

tendency for anticipatory voice offset <strong>in</strong> nasals <strong>in</strong> CSw is much weaker<br />

than <strong>the</strong> preaspiration tendency. However, analogous to <strong>the</strong> hypocorrective<br />

process through which it was suggested that preaspiration<br />

became part of <strong>the</strong> pronunciation norm, it is possible that <strong>the</strong> relative<br />

freedom <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ation of glottal <strong>and</strong> supraglottal gestures extended<br />

to nasal + fortis stop junctures. As discussed <strong>in</strong> Chapter 3, an ON sequence<br />

of nasal + fortis stop is, <strong>in</strong> most normatively preaspirat<strong>in</strong>g<br />

dialects, reflected as a sequence of voiceless (or partially voiceless) nasal<br />

followed by a voiceless stop. This <strong>in</strong>dicates that such sequences may<br />

have had nasals with non-normative voicelessness <strong>in</strong> PN, which paralleled<br />

non-normative preaspiration. The production of half-voiced, halfvoiceless<br />

nasals <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gräsö dialect demonstrates that normative voicelessness<br />

need not <strong>in</strong>volve a completely voiceless nasal. By analogy, it is<br />

possible that non-normative voicelessness <strong>in</strong> nasals <strong>in</strong>volved only partially<br />

voiceless nasals <strong>in</strong> PN.<br />

The E/C change scenario exemplified <strong>in</strong> Figure 5–1 may work<br />

equally well for voicelessness <strong>in</strong> nasals <strong>and</strong> postaspiration. Like preaspi-<br />

– 237 –

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