Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
from t1 through t8, the productions of all speakers are contained within the norm, and, in a sense, define the norm. Like the CSw preaspirations, the production of raised and fronted variants may be non-normative, but are still not considered deviant in the linguistic community at large. However, an outside observer, observing the language at t1 and t8, with no information about the intervening stages, is likely to describe the change as one in which /a/ has changed into /æ/ or //. kHz 2.6 t 1 2.3 2.0 1.7 1.4 1.1 0.8 2.6 t 2 – 236 – 0.8 0.4 0.9 0.4 t 3 t 4 0.5 0.9 0.4 t 5 t 6 0.5 0.9 0.4 t 7 t 8 0.5 2.3 2.0 1.7 1.4 1.1 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 kHz Figure 5–1. A hypothetical example of an E/C vowel change. Each diamond represents normalised mean F2 (abscissa) and F1 (ordinate) values for a single speaker. The different graphs each represent a sample of a population of speakers at a specific time tn, t1 representing the initial state observed and t8 the final state observed. To make comparisons with the initial state (t1) easier, the mean values at t1 are depicted as grey diamonds in each graph.
The case of preaspiration can be described in the same E/C manner. In CSw today, the scope of phonetic variation with regard to preaspiration is roughly equivalent with stage t3 or t4 in the vowel change example. Note that this does not imply that there is a change in progress. The fact that stage t4 in our hypothetical vowel change is transitory applies to that change and not necessarily to others. As previously indicated, I believe that the relative freedom in the production of voice offset relative to oral closure has been a stable feature of most dialects in Scandinavia for more than a thousand years. In some areas the structure of phonetic variation for these stops has changed. The relative freedom in the timing of voice offset has been restricted to encompass only preaspirated variants or unaspirated variants. In cases in which preaspiration has become normative, the change has been described as one by which, for example, /tt/ becomes /ht/. Again, however, that does not entail that any single speaker at any time has been required to perform a phonological reinterpretation of the stops. A parallel case can be made for postaspiration. Let us now consider voicelessness in nasals before fortis stops. The tendency for anticipatory voice offset in nasals in CSw is much weaker than the preaspiration tendency. However, analogous to the hypocorrective process through which it was suggested that preaspiration became part of the pronunciation norm, it is possible that the relative freedom in the coordination of glottal and supraglottal gestures extended to nasal + fortis stop junctures. As discussed in Chapter 3, an ON sequence of nasal + fortis stop is, in most normatively preaspirating dialects, reflected as a sequence of voiceless (or partially voiceless) nasal followed by a voiceless stop. This indicates that such sequences may have had nasals with non-normative voicelessness in PN, which paralleled non-normative preaspiration. The production of half-voiced, halfvoiceless nasals in the Gräsö dialect demonstrates that normative voicelessness need not involve a completely voiceless nasal. By analogy, it is possible that non-normative voicelessness in nasals involved only partially voiceless nasals in PN. The E/C change scenario exemplified in Figure 5–1 may work equally well for voicelessness in nasals and postaspiration. Like preaspi- – 237 –
- Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
- Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
- Page 202 and 203: these speakers will henceforth be r
- Page 204 and 205: lenes are often produced with a voi
- Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
- Page 208 and 209: inte ‘not’ without the final vo
- Page 210 and 211: ange for the remaining subjects is
- Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
- Page 214 and 215: instances may have preaspiration on
- Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
- Page 218 and 219: that the ON word-initial lenes have
- Page 220 and 221: dialect in the Åland archipelago.
- Page 222 and 223: clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
- Page 224 and 225: gradual process rather than a leap
- Page 226 and 227: stops that we find in, for example,
- Page 228 and 229: oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
- Page 230 and 231: Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
- Page 232 and 233: On a quite different note, Liberman
- Page 234 and 235: dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
- Page 236 and 237: (1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
- Page 238 and 239: observed phonological distribution
- Page 240 and 241: sense, preaspiration is linked more
- Page 242 and 243: higher degree of spectral tilt than
- Page 244 and 245: a failure to apply a process of per
- Page 246 and 247: similar to that in CSw today. Some
- Page 250 and 251: ation, voiceless nasality before fo
- Page 252 and 253: parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
- Page 254 and 255: identity and paralinguistic informa
- Page 256 and 257: —. 1974. “On the influence of N
- Page 258 and 259: Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
- Page 260 and 261: Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
- Page 262 and 263: Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
- Page 264 and 265: —. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
- Page 266 and 267: Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
- Page 269: Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
from t1 through t8, <strong>the</strong> productions of all speakers are conta<strong>in</strong>ed with<strong>in</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> norm, <strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong> a sense, def<strong>in</strong>e <strong>the</strong> norm. Like <strong>the</strong> CSw preaspirations,<br />
<strong>the</strong> production of raised <strong>and</strong> fronted variants may be non-normative, but<br />
are still not considered deviant <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic community at large.<br />
However, an outside observer, observ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> language at t1 <strong>and</strong> t8, with<br />
no <strong>in</strong>formation about <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terven<strong>in</strong>g stages, is likely to describe <strong>the</strong><br />
change as one <strong>in</strong> which /a/ has changed <strong>in</strong>to /æ/ or //.<br />
kHz<br />
2.6<br />
t 1<br />
2.3<br />
2.0<br />
1.7<br />
1.4<br />
1.1<br />
0.8<br />
2.6<br />
t 2<br />
– 236 –<br />
0.8<br />
0.4<br />
0.9<br />
0.4<br />
t 3 t 4<br />
0.5<br />
0.9<br />
0.4<br />
t 5 t 6<br />
0.5<br />
0.9<br />
0.4<br />
t 7 t 8<br />
0.5<br />
2.3<br />
2.0<br />
1.7<br />
1.4<br />
1.1<br />
0.5<br />
0.6<br />
0.7<br />
0.8<br />
0.6<br />
0.7<br />
0.8<br />
0.6<br />
0.7<br />
0.8<br />
0.6<br />
0.7<br />
0.8<br />
0.9 kHz<br />
Figure 5–1. A hypo<strong>the</strong>tical example of an E/C vowel change. Each diamond represents<br />
normalised mean F2 (abscissa) <strong>and</strong> F1 (ord<strong>in</strong>ate) values for a s<strong>in</strong>gle<br />
speaker. The different graphs each represent a sample of a population of speakers<br />
at a specific time tn, t1 represent<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial state observed <strong>and</strong> t8 <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>al<br />
state observed. To make comparisons with <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial state (t1) easier, <strong>the</strong> mean<br />
values at t1 are depicted as grey diamonds <strong>in</strong> each graph.