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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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phonological reorganisation for <strong>the</strong> change to be achieved. Instead, an<br />

E/C change is achieved through <strong>the</strong> gradual drift of phonetic norms.<br />

These ideas are an extension, <strong>and</strong> to some extent a re<strong>in</strong>terpretation of<br />

Sapir’s (1921) ideas on phonetic drift.<br />

First it should be clarified, that although a particular trait is nonnormative<br />

<strong>in</strong> a language community it is, <strong>in</strong> most cases, still a part of<br />

what is considered normal or native for that community. For example,<br />

preaspiration may not be obligatory <strong>in</strong> CSw, but, none<strong>the</strong>less, it is<br />

normal to have it—it is not normative, but still conta<strong>in</strong>ed with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

norm. This same range of variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of voiceless stops<br />

may be “prohibited” <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r languages. In Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Icel<strong>and</strong>ic, Faroese<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gräsö dialect, <strong>the</strong> synchronisation of voice offset with oral closure<br />

<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of voiceless stops is much more tightly controlled<br />

than <strong>in</strong> CSw, apparently “because” <strong>the</strong>y contrast with normatively preaspirated<br />

stops. However, such an opposition is not a prerequisite for a<br />

tight laryngeal–oral coord<strong>in</strong>ation. As suggested <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> preced<strong>in</strong>g section,<br />

it seems probable that German <strong>and</strong> French speakers coord<strong>in</strong>ate <strong>the</strong> laryngeal<br />

<strong>and</strong> oral gestures at <strong>the</strong> onset of a stop much more tightly than do<br />

Swedish speakers. There is no apparent reason for <strong>the</strong>m to do so, o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

than that this is how one <strong>in</strong>itiates a voiceless stop closure <strong>in</strong> French <strong>and</strong><br />

German.<br />

So, phonetic variation has a structure <strong>and</strong> is conta<strong>in</strong>ed. This structure<br />

is determ<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>and</strong> constra<strong>in</strong>ed by physiology, system-<strong>in</strong>ternal factors <strong>and</strong><br />

convention. S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> variation is determ<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>and</strong> constra<strong>in</strong>ed, <strong>in</strong> part, by<br />

convention, it is subject to change. Phonetic variation is, <strong>in</strong> this sense,<br />

dynamic. Not only can we observe that languages or dialects differ with<br />

respect to <strong>the</strong> variation “allowed” <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of a given type of<br />

speech sound (say an open front unrounded vowel, or a voiceless stop),<br />

but we should also be able to observe that this variation can change over<br />

time. By shift<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> focus from norms to phonetic variation it can be<br />

argued that changes <strong>in</strong> norms can also be seen as changes <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> structure<br />

of phonetic variation. Phonetic variation is dynamic.<br />

The shift from non-normative to normative preaspiration (or postaspiration,<br />

for that matter) is an example of this. Our <strong>in</strong>itial assumption is<br />

that <strong>the</strong> phonetic variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of PN fortis stops was<br />

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