Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
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phonological reorganisation for <strong>the</strong> change to be achieved. Instead, an<br />
E/C change is achieved through <strong>the</strong> gradual drift of phonetic norms.<br />
These ideas are an extension, <strong>and</strong> to some extent a re<strong>in</strong>terpretation of<br />
Sapir’s (1921) ideas on phonetic drift.<br />
First it should be clarified, that although a particular trait is nonnormative<br />
<strong>in</strong> a language community it is, <strong>in</strong> most cases, still a part of<br />
what is considered normal or native for that community. For example,<br />
preaspiration may not be obligatory <strong>in</strong> CSw, but, none<strong>the</strong>less, it is<br />
normal to have it—it is not normative, but still conta<strong>in</strong>ed with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
norm. This same range of variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of voiceless stops<br />
may be “prohibited” <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r languages. In Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Icel<strong>and</strong>ic, Faroese<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gräsö dialect, <strong>the</strong> synchronisation of voice offset with oral closure<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of voiceless stops is much more tightly controlled<br />
than <strong>in</strong> CSw, apparently “because” <strong>the</strong>y contrast with normatively preaspirated<br />
stops. However, such an opposition is not a prerequisite for a<br />
tight laryngeal–oral coord<strong>in</strong>ation. As suggested <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> preced<strong>in</strong>g section,<br />
it seems probable that German <strong>and</strong> French speakers coord<strong>in</strong>ate <strong>the</strong> laryngeal<br />
<strong>and</strong> oral gestures at <strong>the</strong> onset of a stop much more tightly than do<br />
Swedish speakers. There is no apparent reason for <strong>the</strong>m to do so, o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
than that this is how one <strong>in</strong>itiates a voiceless stop closure <strong>in</strong> French <strong>and</strong><br />
German.<br />
So, phonetic variation has a structure <strong>and</strong> is conta<strong>in</strong>ed. This structure<br />
is determ<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>and</strong> constra<strong>in</strong>ed by physiology, system-<strong>in</strong>ternal factors <strong>and</strong><br />
convention. S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> variation is determ<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>and</strong> constra<strong>in</strong>ed, <strong>in</strong> part, by<br />
convention, it is subject to change. Phonetic variation is, <strong>in</strong> this sense,<br />
dynamic. Not only can we observe that languages or dialects differ with<br />
respect to <strong>the</strong> variation “allowed” <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of a given type of<br />
speech sound (say an open front unrounded vowel, or a voiceless stop),<br />
but we should also be able to observe that this variation can change over<br />
time. By shift<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> focus from norms to phonetic variation it can be<br />
argued that changes <strong>in</strong> norms can also be seen as changes <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> structure<br />
of phonetic variation. Phonetic variation is dynamic.<br />
The shift from non-normative to normative preaspiration (or postaspiration,<br />
for that matter) is an example of this. Our <strong>in</strong>itial assumption is<br />
that <strong>the</strong> phonetic variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of PN fortis stops was<br />
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