Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
On a quite different note, Liberman (e.g., 1982) has proposed that preaspiration is essentially an accentual phenomenon, the origins of which may go as far back as to Proto-Germanic. He describes preaspiration as a “phonologically relevant breathed reinforcement” (1982:98). A breathed reinforcement, in turn, is a prosodic unit that can occur in most (or all?) postvocalic contexts, and Liberman suggests that the ON lenis and fortis geminates alike were produced with such breathed reinforcements. In Liberman’s account, breathed reinforcements came to be interpreted as preaspirations (i.e., segmental rather than prosodic units) after the voiced lenes became voiceless. This is at least the way I interpret the following passage: The Icelandic weakening of plosives resulted in the phonematic coalescence of such words as labba and lappa. After the merger of postvocalic /pp/ and /bb/ preaspiration became fixed before one type of consonant only. In Icelandic it was retained before original /pp tt kk/ and began to signal the position at which formerly phonologically voiceless stops had occurred. The absence of preaspiration came to signal the position of former voiced plosive phonemes. (Liberman 1982:268) A thorough critique of Liberman’s approach is provided in Hansson (1997:104ff). Here, suffice it to say that Liberman offers little in terms of detailed phonetic analysis or explanation of “breathed reinforcements.” Also, to explain why there are Nordic dialects that have voiced lenes and still have preaspirated stops, a different scenario than that proposed by Liberman would be required. A number of other authors have made contributions to the issue of ON stop production. 1 A common thread in most of their writings is the emphasis on explaining why the ON geminate fortes, pp, tt, kk, are preaspirated. As we have seen, there are dialects in which the singleton fortes are also preaspirated. Explanations that only account for preaspiration in geminates can only provide a partial account of the problem. Kortland’s (1988) radically different approach to the issue of ON stop production has the potential of accounting for preaspiration in 1 A thorough review is found in Hansson (1997), who discusses, for example, the writings of Kacnel’son (e.g., 1966), Steblin-Kamenskij (e.g. 1957), Salmons (1992), Wagner (1964) and Kylstra (e.g., 1972). – 220 –
singleton stops. Drawing on the idea that one of the stop series (the mediae) of Indo-European should be reconstructed as “glottalised” (cf. Kortland 1978; cf. also Gamkrelidze 1987), he suggests that preaspiration in ON has developed as a “weakening” of originally preglottalised stops (Kortland 1988, p. 355). Especially intriguing in Kortland’s account is his proposal that West-Jutland stød 1 is actually a remnant of the Indo-European glottalised stops. Apparently, Kortland was not aware that there are Nordic dialects that reflect ON singleton p, t, k as preaspirated, and therefore proposed that syllable-final glottal stops were lost already in Germanic. In his account, then, Germanic sequences with a preglottalised singleton stop were syllabified as *a.ta, while geminate ones were syllabified as *at.ta. Kortland’s suggestion that syllable-final glottal stops were lost entails that only the geminates—not the singletons—would later yield preaspiration. An amendment to Kortland’s scenario is to propose that there was no loss of glottal stops in syllable-final position in Germanic. In this case, the “glottalic” stops of Indo-European all became voiceless preglottalised stops in Germanic, and somewhere on the way to ON, the preglottalisations became preaspirations (except in the area in which we find West- Jutland stød). In this modified version of Kortland’s theory, all ON word medial p, t, k were preaspirated, both singletons and geminates, as well as those in clusters (with the exception of sp, st, sk). The merits of the somewhat controversial “glottalic theory” will not be evaluated here, since it lies well outside the scope of this study. However, as Hansson (1997:111) points out, Kortland’s proposal that ON had preaspiration on all non-initial fortis stop is not directly contradicted by data on the phonological distribution of preaspiration in any single 1 West-Jutland stød was investigated extensively by Ringgaard (1960). Its phonological distribution is strikingly similar to that of preaspiration and, importantly, quite unlike that of Common Danish stød. Hansson (1999) provides an succinct synopsis and concludes that West-Jutland stød “is cognate with preaspiration” (Hansson 1999: 167; cf. also Page 1997 regarding thoughts on the connection between aspiration and glottal stops). As a definitive example, Hansson singles out the Danish dialect spoken in some villages on the island of Als (off the southeast coast of Jutland) in which Common Danish stød is reflected as a true pitch accent difference and ON wordmedial p, t, k are reflected as preglottalised in all contexts, including after sonorants. Thus West-Jutland stød is an explanandum in any account of preaspiration. – 221 –
- Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
- Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
- Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
- Page 188 and 189: that the presence of a voiceless na
- Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
- Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
- Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
- Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
- Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
- Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
- Page 202 and 203: these speakers will henceforth be r
- Page 204 and 205: lenes are often produced with a voi
- Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
- Page 208 and 209: inte ‘not’ without the final vo
- Page 210 and 211: ange for the remaining subjects is
- Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
- Page 214 and 215: instances may have preaspiration on
- Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
- Page 218 and 219: that the ON word-initial lenes have
- Page 220 and 221: dialect in the Åland archipelago.
- Page 222 and 223: clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
- Page 224 and 225: gradual process rather than a leap
- Page 226 and 227: stops that we find in, for example,
- Page 228 and 229: oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
- Page 230 and 231: Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
- Page 234 and 235: dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
- Page 236 and 237: (1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
- Page 238 and 239: observed phonological distribution
- Page 240 and 241: sense, preaspiration is linked more
- Page 242 and 243: higher degree of spectral tilt than
- Page 244 and 245: a failure to apply a process of per
- Page 246 and 247: similar to that in CSw today. Some
- Page 248 and 249: from t1 through t8, the productions
- Page 250 and 251: ation, voiceless nasality before fo
- Page 252 and 253: parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
- Page 254 and 255: identity and paralinguistic informa
- Page 256 and 257: —. 1974. “On the influence of N
- Page 258 and 259: Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
- Page 260 and 261: Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
- Page 262 and 263: Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
- Page 264 and 265: —. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
- Page 266 and 267: Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
- Page 269: Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
On a quite different note, Liberman (e.g., 1982) has proposed that<br />
preaspiration is essentially an accentual phenomenon, <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>s of<br />
which may go as far back as to Proto-Germanic. He describes preaspiration<br />
as a “phonologically relevant brea<strong>the</strong>d re<strong>in</strong>forcement” (1982:98).<br />
A brea<strong>the</strong>d re<strong>in</strong>forcement, <strong>in</strong> turn, is a prosodic unit that can occur <strong>in</strong><br />
most (or all?) postvocalic contexts, <strong>and</strong> Liberman suggests that <strong>the</strong> ON<br />
lenis <strong>and</strong> fortis gem<strong>in</strong>ates alike were produced with such brea<strong>the</strong>d re<strong>in</strong>forcements.<br />
In Liberman’s account, brea<strong>the</strong>d re<strong>in</strong>forcements came to be<br />
<strong>in</strong>terpreted as preaspirations (i.e., segmental ra<strong>the</strong>r than prosodic units)<br />
after <strong>the</strong> voiced lenes became voiceless. This is at least <strong>the</strong> way I <strong>in</strong>terpret<br />
<strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g passage:<br />
The Icel<strong>and</strong>ic weaken<strong>in</strong>g of plosives resulted <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> phonematic<br />
coalescence of such words as labba <strong>and</strong> lappa. After <strong>the</strong> merger of<br />
postvocalic /pp/ <strong>and</strong> /bb/ preaspiration became fixed before one type<br />
of consonant only. In Icel<strong>and</strong>ic it was reta<strong>in</strong>ed before orig<strong>in</strong>al /pp tt<br />
kk/ <strong>and</strong> began to signal <strong>the</strong> position at which formerly phonologically<br />
voiceless stops had occurred. The absence of preaspiration came to<br />
signal <strong>the</strong> position of former voiced plosive phonemes.<br />
(Liberman 1982:268)<br />
A thorough critique of Liberman’s approach is provided <strong>in</strong> Hansson<br />
(1997:104ff). Here, suffice it to say that Liberman offers little <strong>in</strong> terms of<br />
detailed phonetic analysis or explanation of “brea<strong>the</strong>d re<strong>in</strong>forcements.”<br />
Also, to expla<strong>in</strong> why <strong>the</strong>re are <strong>Nordic</strong> dialects that have voiced lenes <strong>and</strong><br />
still have preaspirated stops, a different scenario than that proposed by<br />
Liberman would be required.<br />
A number of o<strong>the</strong>r authors have made contributions to <strong>the</strong> issue of<br />
ON stop production. 1 A common thread <strong>in</strong> most of <strong>the</strong>ir writ<strong>in</strong>gs is <strong>the</strong><br />
emphasis on expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g why <strong>the</strong> ON gem<strong>in</strong>ate fortes, pp, tt, kk, are preaspirated.<br />
As we have seen, <strong>the</strong>re are dialects <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> s<strong>in</strong>gleton<br />
fortes are also preaspirated. Explanations that only account for preaspiration<br />
<strong>in</strong> gem<strong>in</strong>ates can only provide a partial account of <strong>the</strong> problem.<br />
Kortl<strong>and</strong>’s (1988) radically different approach to <strong>the</strong> issue of ON<br />
stop production has <strong>the</strong> potential of account<strong>in</strong>g for preaspiration <strong>in</strong><br />
1 A thorough review is found <strong>in</strong> Hansson (1997), who discusses, for example, <strong>the</strong><br />
writ<strong>in</strong>gs of Kacnel’son (e.g., 1966), Stebl<strong>in</strong>-Kamenskij (e.g. 1957), Salmons (1992),<br />
Wagner (1964) <strong>and</strong> Kylstra (e.g., 1972).<br />
– 220 –