Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
stops that we find in, for example, Central Standard Swedish (CSw) was already present in PN. Essentially, then, it is proposed that in most of Scandinavia, the realisation of fortis stops has not changed much over the last 1500 years. We should therefore see the present tendency for preaspiration as a stable phonetic pattern rather than a transient phenomenon or an anomaly. Importantly, the presence of non-normative preaspiration and postaspiration provides the phonetic preconditions necessary for the development of normative preaspiration and postaspiration. The role of such preconditions for sound change has been emphasised by, for example, Ohala (e.g., 1993) and Engstrand et al. (1998). It is further posited that the development of normative preaspiration has taken place relatively independently in the different dialects. The reason is that this seems to be the most straightforward way to account for (i) the cross-dialectal diversity of the phonological distribution of normative preaspiration, (ii) the close agreement between the observed durational characteristics of nonnormative preaspiration and the phonological distribution of normative preaspiration, and (iii) the existence of dialects that have developed normative postaspiration instead of preaspiration. As regards preconditions for change, it can be pointed out that the linguistic literature offers several examples of genetically related languages or dialects that undergo similar changes even though they have not been in contact for some time (Sapir 1927:171ff, Dixon 1997:14). A second question addressed in this last chapter emerges from the scenario described above: exactly how does a transition from nonnormative to normative preaspiration occur? Or, for that matter, from non-normative to normative postaspiration? It will be suggested that an explanation can be obtained by seeing phonetic variation as dynamic over time and bound not only by physiology or system internal pressures, but also by convention. As a consequence, phonetic variation can be expected to expand and/or contract over time. A phonetic change can occur as a result of an expansion of phonetic variation (such that the variation covers an increasing volume in “phonetic space”) followed by a contraction of phonetic variation to a different locations in phonetic space. This will be referred to as the E/C (expansion/contraction) model. – 214 –
Some thoughts will also be offered on the issue of “preservation of contrast”. It will be suggested that maintaining phonological contrast is less demanding in terms of speech production than are maintaining sociolinguistic identity and conveying paralinguistic information. Therefore, rather than seeing the maintenance of phonological contrast as a primary aim of speech production, we should turn our attention to the factors behind phonetic variation. 5.2 Old Norse stop production As reconstruction and written sources suggest, a distinction was made between two stop series in most contexts in ON. These two stop series are commonly referred to as fortis and lenis stops. There is a wealth of written sources from the Old Icelandic (OI) period (written between approximately 1150–1400) which, with regard to the consonant system, is generally taken to be largely representative of the phonological distinctions of ON in older periods. The following account summarises, in brief, the phonological distinctions that are likely to have existed in ON (for further discussion, see, e.g.: Benediktsson 1972:165ff; and Haugen 1972:34ff, 1982:57ff). The graphemic representations are given in normalised ON orthography. In the manuscripts the orthographic distinctions may be indicated in other ways, but the important point is that such distinctions were indicated. In OI manuscripts, the fortis series was expressed graphemically with p, t, k in word-initial position. For the word-initial lenes, b, d, g were used. In word-medial and word-final postvocalic positions, a distinction between two series was made only in V()C syllables, i.e., syllables in which the stop was long. This difference was expressed graphemically through pp, tt, kk vs. bb, dd, gg. 1 However, the sources indicate that only one stop series occurred in V()C syllables, and thus there was not a contrast between two stop series for phonologically short stops. These stops were written as p, t, k, but this graphemic notation should not automatically be taken to indicate that they were phonetically equivalent to p, t, k in other contexts, e.g. the geminates. The graphemes ð and g are 1 This representation is normalised orthography. In the manuscripts the difference may be indicated in other ways, but the important thing is that a difference was indicated. – 215 –
- Page 176 and 177: fricative constriction cannot be at
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- Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
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- Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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- Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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- Page 210 and 211: ange for the remaining subjects is
- Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
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- Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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- Page 220 and 221: dialect in the Åland archipelago.
- Page 222 and 223: clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
- Page 224 and 225: gradual process rather than a leap
- Page 228 and 229: oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
- Page 230 and 231: Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
- Page 232 and 233: On a quite different note, Liberman
- Page 234 and 235: dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
- Page 236 and 237: (1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
- Page 238 and 239: observed phonological distribution
- Page 240 and 241: sense, preaspiration is linked more
- Page 242 and 243: higher degree of spectral tilt than
- Page 244 and 245: a failure to apply a process of per
- Page 246 and 247: similar to that in CSw today. Some
- Page 248 and 249: from t1 through t8, the productions
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- Page 252 and 253: parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
- Page 254 and 255: identity and paralinguistic informa
- Page 256 and 257: —. 1974. “On the influence of N
- Page 258 and 259: Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
- Page 260 and 261: Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
- Page 262 and 263: Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
- Page 264 and 265: —. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
- Page 266 and 267: Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
- Page 269: Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
stops that we f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong>, for example, Central St<strong>and</strong>ard Swedish (CSw) was<br />
already present <strong>in</strong> PN. Essentially, <strong>the</strong>n, it is proposed that <strong>in</strong> most of<br />
Sc<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>avia, <strong>the</strong> realisation of fortis stops has not changed much over <strong>the</strong><br />
last 1500 years. We should <strong>the</strong>refore see <strong>the</strong> present tendency for preaspiration<br />
as a stable phonetic pattern ra<strong>the</strong>r than a transient phenomenon<br />
or an anomaly.<br />
Importantly, <strong>the</strong> presence of non-normative preaspiration <strong>and</strong> postaspiration<br />
provides <strong>the</strong> phonetic preconditions necessary for <strong>the</strong> development<br />
of normative preaspiration <strong>and</strong> postaspiration. The role of such preconditions<br />
for sound change has been emphasised by, for example, Ohala<br />
(e.g., 1993) <strong>and</strong> Engstr<strong>and</strong> et al. (1998). It is fur<strong>the</strong>r posited that <strong>the</strong> development<br />
of normative preaspiration has taken place relatively <strong>in</strong>dependently<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> different dialects. The reason is that this seems to be <strong>the</strong><br />
most straightforward way to account for (i) <strong>the</strong> cross-dialectal diversity<br />
of <strong>the</strong> phonological distribution of normative preaspiration, (ii) <strong>the</strong> close<br />
agreement between <strong>the</strong> observed durational characteristics of nonnormative<br />
preaspiration <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> phonological distribution of normative<br />
preaspiration, <strong>and</strong> (iii) <strong>the</strong> existence of dialects that have developed normative<br />
postaspiration <strong>in</strong>stead of preaspiration. As regards preconditions<br />
for change, it can be po<strong>in</strong>ted out that <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic literature offers several<br />
examples of genetically related languages or dialects that undergo<br />
similar changes even though <strong>the</strong>y have not been <strong>in</strong> contact for some time<br />
(Sapir 1927:171ff, Dixon 1997:14).<br />
A second question addressed <strong>in</strong> this last chapter emerges from <strong>the</strong><br />
scenario described above: exactly how does a transition from nonnormative<br />
to normative preaspiration occur? Or, for that matter, from<br />
non-normative to normative postaspiration? It will be suggested that an<br />
explanation can be obta<strong>in</strong>ed by see<strong>in</strong>g phonetic variation as dynamic<br />
over time <strong>and</strong> bound not only by physiology or system <strong>in</strong>ternal pressures,<br />
but also by convention. As a consequence, phonetic variation can<br />
be expected to exp<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong>/or contract over time. A phonetic change can<br />
occur as a result of an expansion of phonetic variation (such that <strong>the</strong><br />
variation covers an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g volume <strong>in</strong> “phonetic space”) followed by a<br />
contraction of phonetic variation to a different locations <strong>in</strong> phonetic<br />
space. This will be referred to as <strong>the</strong> E/C (expansion/contraction) model.<br />
– 214 –