Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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ange for the remaining subjects is 46–54 ms. In postnasal contexts, however, ES’s postaspiration durations are more similar to the durations of the other subjects. Table 4–20. Mean, standard deviation (SD), median and number of tokens (n) for postaspirations measured in the Western Åland data. In the leftmost column, #CV indicates word-initial contexts, VCV and VCV indicate the respective syllable types in word-medial position, and VNCV indicates postnasal contexts. Syll. type Subject #CV VCV VCV VNCV Preaspiration dur. Mean (SD) – Med. – 198 – Postaspiration dur. Mean (SD) – Med. MG 4 (9.7) – 0 57 (14.9) – 61 27 AJ 5 (9.2) – 0 55 (16.6) – 57 64 NK 5 (9.9) – 0 50 (14.6) – 47 76 ES — 42 (15.0) – 40 56 MG 11 (13.4) – 9 50 (16.9) – 48 32 AJ 8 (10.3) – 6 42 (14.6) – 40 83 NK 7 (10.5) – 0 51 (19.0) – 46 107 ES 19 (11.8) – 17 35 (7.4) – 35 34 MG 17 (19.0) – 11 54 (18.8) – 49 29 AJ 16 (14.1) – 14 50 (16.5) – 48 70 NK 8 (11.0) – 6 46 (14.5) – 44 73 ES 26 (20.4) – 25 28 (8.0) – 28 25 MG — 54 (16.6) – 50 46 AJ — 46 (12.2) – 42 22 NK — 43 (14.6) – 40 39 ES — 39 (9.5) – 38 20 Within-subject comparisons indicate that the subject who produced unscripted speech have similar postaspiration durations in word-medial positions, irrespective of syllable type (with the exception of AJ’s stops in VCV sequences). In ES’s data, however, stops in VCV sequences have much shorter postaspirations than do those in VNCV sequences. Stops in VCV sequences have intermediate durations. Figure 4–94(a–d) shows the range of preaspiration duration for the Western Åland subjects. For each subject, the leftmost box shows the range of durations for word-initial stops, the middle box shows the range n
for word-medial stops in VC syllables, and the rightmost box for wordmedial stops in VC syllables. (Note, however, that word-initial preaspiration duration is not available for subjects ES). Medians, means and standard deviations are provided in Table 4–20. 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 MG AJ V#CV V:CV VC:V NK V#CV V:CV VC:V – 199 – 120 100 80 60 40 20 (a) (b) 0 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 V#CV V:CV VC:V N/A (c) (d) V#CV V:CV VC:V Figure 4–94(a–d). Durations of preaspiration for word-initial and word-medial fortis stops in the Western Åland data. The scale of the figures extends to 120 ms so that these graphs be directly comparable to other graphs in this section. Preaspiration durations are fairly short for all three contexts. In the unscripted data (i.e., subjects MG, AJ and NK), word-initial preaspirations are by far the shortest, with a mean duration of 4–5 ms. Preaspiration duration seldom exceeds 40 ms, and for all three subjects the median is 0, indicating that most instances have no preaspiration whatsoever. ES
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
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in VC syllables in their speech, ju
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Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
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long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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grams), with the occasional aid of
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quantity system instead of the ON f
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ON flytja). There are no examples o
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Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
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whether she thinks that leaving out
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(Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
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(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
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stop sequences that remain to be di
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do occur systematic linguistic diff
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Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
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There are very few examples of clus
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Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
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one hand, speakers have a tendency
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ecent studies that corroborate thes
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example, in a particular dialect, t
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does not give her segmentation crit
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Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
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approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
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1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
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1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
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Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
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and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
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ducing breathiness into the voice q
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Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
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4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
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very large, since postaspiration wa
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Several spectrographic examples of
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The data indicate that there is lit
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produced and in 9 cases there were
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To examine effects of syllable stru
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preaspiration for lexically stresse
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durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
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mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
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noise becomes audibly postalveolar
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As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
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most of the remaining instances he
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(comparable to our taverna type) ha
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The CSw data have shown that word-i
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golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
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o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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word-initial lenis stop preceded by
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(i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
Page 170 and 171: cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
Page 174 and 175: closure gesture. As the escape chan
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Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
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Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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Page 204 and 205: lenes are often produced with a voi
Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
Page 208 and 209: inte ‘not’ without the final vo
Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
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Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
Page 218 and 219: that the ON word-initial lenes have
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Page 230 and 231: Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
Page 232 and 233: On a quite different note, Liberman
Page 234 and 235: dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
Page 236 and 237: (1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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Page 242 and 243: higher degree of spectral tilt than
Page 244 and 245: a failure to apply a process of per
Page 246 and 247: similar to that in CSw today. Some
Page 248 and 249: from t1 through t8, the productions
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Page 254 and 255: identity and paralinguistic informa
Page 256 and 257: —. 1974. “On the influence of N
Page 258 and 259: Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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