Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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these speakers will henceforth be referred to as the Western Åland dialect. 4.5.3.1 Method and subjects The Western Åland material consists of two different sets of data. The first set, which comprises subjects MG (male), AJ (female) and NK (female), was obtained from the SOFI archives (cf. section 4.1.1.2). 1 These recordings consist of interviews with Western Åland subjects carried out in the 1960’s. This material, therefore, is unscripted (spontaneous) speech. The sound quality of the unscripted data is generally fairly good, although some echo is present in the recordings. Levels of background noise are generally low, and occur only intermittently. The unscripted data were transliterated and word-labelled partly by the author and partly by a native Swedish speaker (a student at the Stockholm University Department of Linguistics ). Segmentation was carried out by the author in accordance with the criteria specified in section 4.1.2. For subject MG, approximately 12 minutes of uninterrupted speech 2 , containing 2528 words, were analysed; for subject AJ 18 minutes, containing 3952 words; and for NK 21 minutes, containing 4023 words. A rough estimate indicates that MG utters 4.76 syllables per second, AJ 4.99 and NK 4.55 (cf. section 4.2.1 on how this estimate was obtained). The second set of Western Åland data consists of a recording of a female speaker in her late forties, ES, reading a list of 43 fairly short sentences containing target words with stops in certain contexts. The subject read the list twice. The recordings were made in a sound-treated room, using a Brüel & Kjær 4145 microphone and recorded directly on a PC using a SoundBlaster Live sound card and CoolEdit 2000 software. Segmentation (as specified in section 4.1.2) of stop productions was carried out by the author. The speaking rate was estimated to be 4.97 syllables per second, but since the structure of the read speech material aspiration tendencies. Furthermore, speakers in Mariehamn (not far east of Gottby) do not appear to postaspirate, but the available information is less precise on this. 1 The SOFI references to these recordings are as follows: MG = Bd 2180; AJ = Bd 2199B–Bd 2200A; NK = Bd 2196–Bd 2197A. 2 Cf. section 4.2.1. – 190 –
produced by ES is quite different from that of the unscripted speech data, comparisons should be made with caution. Nonetheless, a speaking rate of 4.97 syllables per second is consistent with the author’s impression that ES’s reading was casual and moderately fast. Further methodological information was provided in section 4.1 above. 4.5.3.2 Phonological distribution On the whole, the data suggest that all ON fortis stops, word-initial and word-medial, in consonant clusters and in vocalic contexts, are reflected as postaspirated in the Western Åland dialect. This is in contrast with the Northern Icelandic dialect, in which the distribution of postaspirated variants is much more limited. In the Western Åland dialect, like in Northern Icelandic, ON wordmedial p, t, k are postaspirated, as in [bo] ‘the boat’ and [bk] ‘to bake.’ Similarly, sequences of ON l, m, n + p, t, k are reflected as a sequence of a voiced sonorant followed by postaspirated stop, e.g. [s] ‘salted,’ [mp] ‘the rope’s end’ and [pk] ‘planks.’ Interestingly, ON r + p, t, k is reflected with a postaspirated stop, as in [b] ‘away, gone’ and [m] ‘marks,’ the latter with palatal frication. Such sequences have a voiceless r-sound in Northern Icelandic. The ON geminates are also postaspirated in the Western Åland dialect, e.g. [p], ‘to dip,’ [v] ‘water,’ and [sp] ‘the fat.’ Given that Oftedal’s claim regarding such stops in the Bjerkreim-Dalane dialect is correct, the Western Åland and the Bjerkreim-Dalane dialects reflect the ON geminate fortes in a similar fashion. The Northern Icelandic dialect, however, reflects such sequences as preaspirated. Clusters with a fortis stop as the first element, i.e. p(p), t(t), k(k) + l, n, r seem to be reflected as sequences of voiceless stop and partially voiceless sonorant (i.e., as postaspirated) with the caveat that not all possible clusters are represented in the data. As examples we have [vkl] ‘turn, fold,’ [p], ‘to open’ and [bt] ‘better.’ This is unlike the Northern Icelandic dialect, in which p(p), t(t), k(k) + l, n sequences are preaspirated. The lenis stops in the Western Åland dialect are predominantly voiced, at least in voiced contexts. This applies to word-initial as well as word-medial lenes, and both singletons and geminates. Utterance-initial – 191 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
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in VC syllables in their speech, ju
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Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
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long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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grams), with the occasional aid of
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quantity system instead of the ON f
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ON flytja). There are no examples o
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Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
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whether she thinks that leaving out
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(Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
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(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
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stop sequences that remain to be di
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do occur systematic linguistic diff
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Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
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There are very few examples of clus
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Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
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one hand, speakers have a tendency
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ecent studies that corroborate thes
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example, in a particular dialect, t
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does not give her segmentation crit
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Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
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approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
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1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
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1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
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Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
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and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
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ducing breathiness into the voice q
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Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
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4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
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very large, since postaspiration wa
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Several spectrographic examples of
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The data indicate that there is lit
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produced and in 9 cases there were
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To examine effects of syllable stru
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preaspiration for lexically stresse
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durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
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mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
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noise becomes audibly postalveolar
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As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
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most of the remaining instances he
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(comparable to our taverna type) ha
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The CSw data have shown that word-i
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Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
Page 170 and 171: cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
Page 174 and 175: closure gesture. As the escape chan
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Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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Page 210 and 211: ange for the remaining subjects is
Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
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Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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Page 230 and 231: Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
Page 232 and 233: On a quite different note, Liberman
Page 234 and 235: dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
Page 236 and 237: (1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
Page 238 and 239: observed phonological distribution
Page 240 and 241: sense, preaspiration is linked more
Page 242 and 243: higher degree of spectral tilt than
Page 244 and 245: a failure to apply a process of per
Page 246 and 247: similar to that in CSw today. Some
Page 248 and 249: from t1 through t8, the productions
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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