Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Table 4–16. The findings of Indriðason et al. (1991) for mean durations (in ms) of vowel, occlusion and postaspiration in Southern and Northern Icelandic. Southern Icelandic Northern Icelandic V Occl. VOT V Occl. VOT gapa 162 115 33 138 122 44 gata 169 122 34 132 123 50 haki 156 133 51 122 116 81 haka 151 115 41 128 112 63 Mean 160 121 39.5 130 118 59.4 Since the placement of aspiration represents the crucial difference between the two dialects, aspiration has been a major classification feature in Icelandic dialectology and a focus of attention in Icelandic dialectal descriptions. This, however, has not been the case in Scandinavian dialectology. In fact, as far as I can see, there is only one area in Scandinavia in which the ON word-medial fortes have been expressly described as postaspirated. This is what we will address in the following section. 4.5.2 Bjerkreim and Dalane The claim that the Norwegian dialects of Bjerkreim and Dalane reflect the ON word-medial fortis stops as postaspirated is based on a comment by Oftedal (1947) in his discussion of the stop in the Jæren dialect. Oftedal makes the following remark regarding the neighbouring dialects to the south and east: The older pronunciation of voiceless mediae [i.e. lenes] is […] not just an isolated residue in Gjestal. It has also been preserved in the neighbouring regions to the east, Bjerkreim (Dalane) […]. It may be worth noting that the tenues [i.e. fortes] in Bjerkreim and in Dalane are, on the whole, postaspirated in the distinctive positions. Thus we get katt, katta where Gjestal has kat, kata. (Oftedal 1947:235; my translation) This may not seem much to go on. However, there is good reason to suggest that the dialect(s) described by Oftedal reflect the ON wordmedial fortes in much the same way as does the Western Åland dialect (to – 188 –
e discussed in the following section). Oftedal was an experienced linguist, born and bred in Jæren, and thus had good local knowledge. In his text, he focusses particularly on the production of stops and does not just mention them in passing. Also, and most importantly, it is implicit in Oftedal’s remark that, in terms of stop aspiration, the dialect(s) of Bjerkreim and Dalane are distinct not only from the Jæren dialect, but also from other standardised varieties of Norwegian (such as the dialect of the Oslo region). As previously argued, word-medial fortis stops in standard varieties of Norwegian tend to be unaspirated or (non-normatively) preaspirated (cf. Ch. 3, sections 3.4.3 and 3.6). It is likely that these stops have little or no postaspiration, like the stops of CSw (cf. section 4.2.4). If this were not the case, there would be no reason for Oftedal to single out the Bjerkreim-Dalane dialect as being special. Obviously, the surest way of verifying the presence of postaspiration in these dialects is simply to listen to recordings from these areas, but I have not had the opportunity to do this. Thus, this remains an area for future research. 4.5.3 Western Åland The stop production of the Western Åland dialects has not previously been the subject of any detailed phonetic study; nor have impressionistic observations of these dialects led to a description of the word-medial fortes as being postaspirated. It was informally observed that an Åland speaker (subject ES in the following account) tended to postaspirate her word-medial fortis stops quite strongly. To investigate this further, recordings of several Central and Western Åland speakers were obtained. These recordings confirmed that the ON word-medial fortes tended to be reflected as postaspirated in most contexts. Two of the subjects analysed (NK and AJ) come from the village of Storby on the island of Eckerö, a fairly large island to the west of Åland proper (see map in Figure 3–6). The remaining two subjects (MG and ES) come from the area near Gottby in the southern part of Åland proper (again, see map in Figure 3–6). 1 For the sake of simplicity, the dialect of 1 An auditory analysis of subjects from the area around Jomala in the very center of Åland proper (to the northwest of Gottby) did not suggest any particularly strong post- – 189 –
- Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
- Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
- Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
- Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
- Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
- Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
- Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
- Page 164 and 165: clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
- Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
- Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
- Page 170 and 171: cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
- Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
- Page 174 and 175: closure gesture. As the escape chan
- Page 176 and 177: fricative constriction cannot be at
- Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
- Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
- Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
- Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
- Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
- Page 188 and 189: that the presence of a voiceless na
- Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
- Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
- Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
- Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
- Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
- Page 202 and 203: these speakers will henceforth be r
- Page 204 and 205: lenes are often produced with a voi
- Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
- Page 208 and 209: inte ‘not’ without the final vo
- Page 210 and 211: ange for the remaining subjects is
- Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
- Page 214 and 215: instances may have preaspiration on
- Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
- Page 218 and 219: that the ON word-initial lenes have
- Page 220 and 221: dialect in the Åland archipelago.
- Page 222 and 223: clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
- Page 224 and 225: gradual process rather than a leap
- Page 226 and 227: stops that we find in, for example,
- Page 228 and 229: oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
- Page 230 and 231: Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
- Page 232 and 233: On a quite different note, Liberman
- Page 234 and 235: dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
- Page 236 and 237: (1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
- Page 238 and 239: observed phonological distribution
- Page 240 and 241: sense, preaspiration is linked more
- Page 242 and 243: higher degree of spectral tilt than
- Page 244 and 245: a failure to apply a process of per
- Page 246 and 247: similar to that in CSw today. Some
- Page 248 and 249: from t1 through t8, the productions
e discussed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g section). Oftedal was an experienced l<strong>in</strong>guist,<br />
born <strong>and</strong> bred <strong>in</strong> Jæren, <strong>and</strong> thus had good local knowledge. In his<br />
text, he focusses particularly on <strong>the</strong> production of stops <strong>and</strong> does not just<br />
mention <strong>the</strong>m <strong>in</strong> pass<strong>in</strong>g. Also, <strong>and</strong> most importantly, it is implicit <strong>in</strong><br />
Oftedal’s remark that, <strong>in</strong> terms of stop aspiration, <strong>the</strong> dialect(s) of<br />
Bjerkreim <strong>and</strong> Dalane are dist<strong>in</strong>ct not only from <strong>the</strong> Jæren dialect, but also<br />
from o<strong>the</strong>r st<strong>and</strong>ardised varieties of Norwegian (such as <strong>the</strong> dialect of <strong>the</strong><br />
Oslo region). As previously argued, word-medial fortis stops <strong>in</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard<br />
varieties of Norwegian tend to be unaspirated or (non-normatively) preaspirated<br />
(cf. Ch. 3, sections 3.4.3 <strong>and</strong> 3.6). It is likely that <strong>the</strong>se stops<br />
have little or no postaspiration, like <strong>the</strong> stops of CSw (cf. section 4.2.4). If<br />
this were not <strong>the</strong> case, <strong>the</strong>re would be no reason for Oftedal to s<strong>in</strong>gle out<br />
<strong>the</strong> Bjerkreim-Dalane dialect as be<strong>in</strong>g special.<br />
Obviously, <strong>the</strong> surest way of verify<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> presence of postaspiration<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se dialects is simply to listen to record<strong>in</strong>gs from <strong>the</strong>se areas, but I<br />
have not had <strong>the</strong> opportunity to do this. Thus, this rema<strong>in</strong>s an area for future<br />
research.<br />
4.5.3 Western Ål<strong>and</strong><br />
The stop production of <strong>the</strong> Western Ål<strong>and</strong> dialects has not previously<br />
been <strong>the</strong> subject of any detailed phonetic study; nor have impressionistic<br />
observations of <strong>the</strong>se dialects led to a description of <strong>the</strong> word-medial<br />
fortes as be<strong>in</strong>g postaspirated. It was <strong>in</strong>formally observed that an Ål<strong>and</strong><br />
speaker (subject ES <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g account) tended to postaspirate her<br />
word-medial fortis stops quite strongly. To <strong>in</strong>vestigate this fur<strong>the</strong>r, record<strong>in</strong>gs<br />
of several Central <strong>and</strong> Western Ål<strong>and</strong> speakers were obta<strong>in</strong>ed.<br />
These record<strong>in</strong>gs confirmed that <strong>the</strong> ON word-medial fortes tended to be<br />
reflected as postaspirated <strong>in</strong> most contexts.<br />
Two of <strong>the</strong> subjects analysed (NK <strong>and</strong> AJ) come from <strong>the</strong> village of<br />
Storby on <strong>the</strong> isl<strong>and</strong> of Eckerö, a fairly large isl<strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> west of Ål<strong>and</strong><br />
proper (see map <strong>in</strong> Figure 3–6). The rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g two subjects (MG <strong>and</strong><br />
ES) come from <strong>the</strong> area near Gottby <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rn part of Ål<strong>and</strong> proper<br />
(aga<strong>in</strong>, see map <strong>in</strong> Figure 3–6). 1 For <strong>the</strong> sake of simplicity, <strong>the</strong> dialect of<br />
1 An auditory analysis of subjects from <strong>the</strong> area around Jomala <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> very center of<br />
Ål<strong>and</strong> proper (to <strong>the</strong> northwest of Gottby) did not suggest any particularly strong post-<br />
– 189 –