Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
closure, decay time of the glottal signal preceding closure, and burst intensity following closure. The list of acoustic parameters relevant for categorical judgements is bound to be language dependent, since aspiration and voicing are utilised in different ways in different languages. As for the languages of Scandinavia and the North Atlantic, one relevant acoustic parameter is the amount of (glottal) friction present in the acoustic signal on the boundary of a vowel and a subsequent stop. Such friction occurs when voice offset is initiated before oral closure for the stop is achieved, and is perceived as an h-sound on the vowel–stop boundary. This phenomenon is most commonly referred to as preaspiration. The presence of such glottal friction in the production of wordmedial fortis stops in Central Standard Swedish has been noted by Gobl & Ní Chasaide (1988) as well as Fant et al. (1991). In this work it is demonstrated that some speakers of Swedish use this type of early voice offset, i.e. preaspiration, systematically when producing sequences of vowel and fortis stop, while others tend not to do so, or only do so to a limited extent. A similar trend has been noted for Trondheim Norwegian (Moxness 1997; van Dommelen 1998, 1999, 2000). Importantly, van Dommelen (1998) demonstrates that speakers who do not preaspirate themselves are still able to use preaspiration to distinguish between stop categories in Trondheim Norwegian. Preaspiration has been “generalised” in several languages and dialects in Northwestern Europe. The term “generalised” implies that early voice offset (relative to stop closure) has become normative, i.e. obligatory in the production of the vowel + fortis stop sequence. This phenomenon is most widely recognised as a feature of Icelandic, but is in fact found in Faroese and several dialects of both Norwegian and Swedish, as well as in Scots Gaelic and most Saami languages. The fact that such diverse language groups are involved has prompted the classification of preaspiration in Northwestern Europe as an areal phenomenon (Wagner 1964). Several different accounts regarding the origin of preaspiration have been advanced. In this respect there are two central issues. The first concerns the age of preaspiration: Is preaspiration a relatively late develop- – 8 –
ment that has emerged in each language or dialect independently of others? Or is it an early development, predating the separation of Icelandic, Faroese and mainland Scandinavian (Norwegian and Swedish), that has since disappeared in most of Scandinavia? The second issue concerns the question of whether Celtic, Old Norse or Saami should be seen as the “source” of preaspiration. As regards the latter issue, the position of Posti (1954), Borgstrøm (1974) and Hansson (1997) will be adopted, that preaspiration in both Saami and Gaelic is due to contact with Nordic languages. As regards the former issue, some earlier theories, as well as some ideas based on the findings of the present work, will be outlined in Chapter 5. – 9 –
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- Page 4 and 5: PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
- Page 7 and 8: CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
- Page 9: 4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
- Page 12 and 13: the following pages. Thanks also to
- Page 14 and 15: ported, but these should only be ta
- Page 16 and 17: Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
- Page 18 and 19: lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
- Page 23 and 24: 2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
- Page 25 and 26: and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
- Page 27 and 28: turn into ChV sequences in which V
- Page 29 and 30: 2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
- Page 31 and 32: The similarity in gestural organisa
- Page 33 and 34: The fact that both preaspiration an
- Page 35 and 36: have normative preaspiration, other
- Page 37 and 38: usually expressed as unaspirated an
- Page 39 and 40: while clusters have developed into
- Page 41 and 42: ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
- Page 43 and 44: y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
- Page 45 and 46: ut this is not true of the “stand
- Page 47 and 48: 2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
- Page 49 and 50: The second criticism of Bladon’s
- Page 51 and 52: in discharge rates in the auditory
- Page 53: number of languages that possess se
- Page 56 and 57: and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
- Page 58 and 59: For the sake of simplicity and luci
- Page 60 and 61: ‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
- Page 62 and 63: Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
- Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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closure, decay time of <strong>the</strong> glottal signal preced<strong>in</strong>g closure, <strong>and</strong> burst <strong>in</strong>tensity<br />
follow<strong>in</strong>g closure.<br />
The list of acoustic parameters relevant for categorical judgements is<br />
bound to be language dependent, s<strong>in</strong>ce aspiration <strong>and</strong> voic<strong>in</strong>g are utilised<br />
<strong>in</strong> different ways <strong>in</strong> different languages. As for <strong>the</strong> languages of Sc<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>avia<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> North Atlantic, one relevant acoustic parameter is <strong>the</strong><br />
amount of (glottal) friction present <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> acoustic signal on <strong>the</strong> boundary<br />
of a vowel <strong>and</strong> a subsequent stop. Such friction occurs when voice offset<br />
is <strong>in</strong>itiated before oral closure for <strong>the</strong> stop is achieved, <strong>and</strong> is perceived<br />
as an h-sound on <strong>the</strong> vowel–stop boundary. This phenomenon is most<br />
commonly referred to as preaspiration.<br />
The presence of such glottal friction <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of wordmedial<br />
fortis stops <strong>in</strong> Central St<strong>and</strong>ard Swedish has been noted by Gobl<br />
& Ní Chasaide (1988) as well as Fant et al. (1991). In this work it is<br />
demonstrated that some speakers of Swedish use this type of early voice<br />
offset, i.e. preaspiration, systematically when produc<strong>in</strong>g sequences of<br />
vowel <strong>and</strong> fortis stop, while o<strong>the</strong>rs tend not to do so, or only do so to a<br />
limited extent. A similar trend has been noted for Trondheim Norwegian<br />
(Moxness 1997; van Dommelen 1998, 1999, 2000). Importantly, van<br />
Dommelen (1998) demonstrates that speakers who do not preaspirate<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves are still able to use preaspiration to dist<strong>in</strong>guish between stop<br />
categories <strong>in</strong> Trondheim Norwegian.<br />
<strong>Preaspiration</strong> has been “generalised” <strong>in</strong> several languages <strong>and</strong> dialects<br />
<strong>in</strong> Northwestern Europe. The term “generalised” implies that early<br />
voice offset (relative to stop closure) has become normative, i.e. obligatory<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of <strong>the</strong> vowel + fortis stop sequence. This phenomenon<br />
is most widely recognised as a feature of Icel<strong>and</strong>ic, but is <strong>in</strong><br />
fact found <strong>in</strong> Faroese <strong>and</strong> several dialects of both Norwegian <strong>and</strong> Swedish,<br />
as well as <strong>in</strong> Scots Gaelic <strong>and</strong> most Saami languages. The fact that<br />
such diverse language groups are <strong>in</strong>volved has prompted <strong>the</strong> classification<br />
of preaspiration <strong>in</strong> Northwestern Europe as an areal phenomenon<br />
(Wagner 1964).<br />
Several different accounts regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong> of preaspiration have<br />
been advanced. In this respect <strong>the</strong>re are two central issues. The first concerns<br />
<strong>the</strong> age of preaspiration: Is preaspiration a relatively late develop-<br />
– 8 –