Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
discussion of possible reasons for this). One of the major dialectal differences is the division between Northern and Southern Icelandic. This difference rests almost entirely on the way in which ON wordmedial fortis stops are reflected. As discussed above (cf. Ch. 3, section 3.1), the ON word-medial pp, tt, kk are reflected as preaspirated in both Southern and Northern Icelandic. It has also been noted that in Southern Icelandic the ON wordmedial p, t, k are reflected as unaspirated, and that l, m, n + p, t, k sequences are reflected as a voiceless sonorant followed by a voiceless unaspirated stop. In Northern Icelandic, however, word-medial p, t, k are postaspirated and l, m, n + p, t, k are reflected as a sequence of a voiced sonorant followed by a postaspirated stop. 1 In both Northern and Southern Icelandic, ON p, t, k + l, n clusters are reflected as preaspirated. However, ON p, t, k + r, j, v clusters are reflected as sequences of a voiceless stop followed by a voiceless fricative. In Southern Icelandic, the fricative tends to be mostly voiced. Most of these differences are indicated in Table 3–1. Further descriptions of the phonological distribution of aspiration in Icelandic stop production are found in, for example, Dahlstedt (1958), Thráinsson (1978) and Þráinsson & Árnason (1992). Discussions of the production of Northern Icelandic—both here and in the literature—are largely based on impressionistic observations. Some phonetic investigations have been carried out, by, e.g., Einarsson (1927), Pétursson (1974), Rögnvaldsson (1980) and Indriðason et al. (1991). The last is the most extensive of these investigations, and compares the production of word-medial stops for six Northern and six Southern Icelandic speakers. The speech materials used by Indriðason et al. consisted of disyllabic words embedded in frame sentences. The words tested were 2 : 1 Actually, -lt- is an exception, since homomorphemic -lt- is produced as a voiceless lateral followed by a postaspirated stop in the Northern dialect (cf. Jónsson 1982). Note also that -ðk- sequences are produced with a voiced fricative (or approximant) followed by a stop in Northern Icelandic, but as a voiceless fricative followed by a stop in Southern Icelandic. 2 Glossary: gabba ‘to fool,’ gapa ‘to gape,’ happa ‘luck, chance (gen pl.),’ gadda ‘tack (acc. pl.),’ gata ‘road,’ hattur ‘hat,’ hagga ‘to budge,’ haka ‘chin,’ hakka ‘to hack,’ haggi ‘budge (1sg. conj.),’ haki ‘pick’ and bakki ‘bank, hill.’ – 186 –
Lenis Fortis Fortis geminate singleton geminate Bilabial gabba gapa happa Dental gadda gata hattur Palatal haggi haki bakki Velar hagga haka hakka Each of these words was recorded once for each subject. Thus a total of 144 observations were made, 48 for each of three stop categories: reflexes of ON lenis geminates (e.g., gabba), fortis singletons (e.g., gapa) and fortis geminates (e.g., happa). Indriðason et al. measured vowel duration, preaspiration duration (where applicable), stop occlusion duration, and postaspiration duration (i.e., VOT). Regarding their segmentation criteria, it appears that voice offset and voice onset were used to delimit the onset of preaspiration and the cessation of postaspiration, respectively. Thus, the periods of breathy voice that often precede a preaspiration and follow a postaspiration were apparently not considered. As expected, the results of Indriðason et al. showed that both the lenis geminates and the fortis geminates are produced similarly by Northern and Southern speakers with regard to aspiration. Thus all the speakers lack both preaspiration and postaspiration in gabba type words, and all speakers produce happa type words with long preaspiration intervals and without postaspiration. However, the Northern and Southern speakers differed in their production of reflexes of ON fortis singletons (e.g., gapa). 1 The results of the measurements of Indriðason et al. for these stops is shown in Table 4–16. Two main differences are apparent. First, the vowels of the Northern speakers are considerably shorter than those of the Southern speakers. Second, the mean postaspiration durations (i.e., VOTs) for the Northern speakers are considerably longer than those for the Southern speakers. As noted, these measurements do not include the breathy voice interval that tends to be present in the vowel following a postaspirated stop. Therefore, the degree to which the Northern Icelandic speakers postaspirate their word-medial fortes may be underestimated. 1 As described in section 3.2, postaspiration also occurs after nasals and, in some cases, after laterals. However, such contexts are not considered in Indriðason et al. (1991). – 187 –
- Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
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Lenis Fortis Fortis<br />
gem<strong>in</strong>ate s<strong>in</strong>gleton gem<strong>in</strong>ate<br />
Bilabial gabba gapa happa<br />
Dental gadda gata hattur<br />
Palatal haggi haki bakki<br />
Velar hagga haka hakka<br />
Each of <strong>the</strong>se words was recorded once for each subject. Thus a total<br />
of 144 observations were made, 48 for each of three stop categories: reflexes<br />
of ON lenis gem<strong>in</strong>ates (e.g., gabba), fortis s<strong>in</strong>gletons (e.g., gapa)<br />
<strong>and</strong> fortis gem<strong>in</strong>ates (e.g., happa). Indriðason et al. measured vowel<br />
duration, preaspiration duration (where applicable), stop occlusion duration,<br />
<strong>and</strong> postaspiration duration (i.e., VOT). Regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>ir segmentation<br />
criteria, it appears that voice offset <strong>and</strong> voice onset were used to delimit<br />
<strong>the</strong> onset of preaspiration <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> cessation of postaspiration, respectively.<br />
Thus, <strong>the</strong> periods of breathy voice that often precede a preaspiration<br />
<strong>and</strong> follow a postaspiration were apparently not considered.<br />
As expected, <strong>the</strong> results of Indriðason et al. showed that both <strong>the</strong><br />
lenis gem<strong>in</strong>ates <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> fortis gem<strong>in</strong>ates are produced similarly by<br />
Nor<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>and</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn speakers with regard to aspiration. Thus all <strong>the</strong><br />
speakers lack both preaspiration <strong>and</strong> postaspiration <strong>in</strong> gabba type words,<br />
<strong>and</strong> all speakers produce happa type words with long preaspiration <strong>in</strong>tervals<br />
<strong>and</strong> without postaspiration. However, <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>and</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
speakers differed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir production of reflexes of ON fortis s<strong>in</strong>gletons<br />
(e.g., gapa). 1 The results of <strong>the</strong> measurements of Indriðason et al. for<br />
<strong>the</strong>se stops is shown <strong>in</strong> Table 4–16.<br />
Two ma<strong>in</strong> differences are apparent. First, <strong>the</strong> vowels of <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
speakers are considerably shorter than those of <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn speakers.<br />
Second, <strong>the</strong> mean postaspiration durations (i.e., VOTs) for <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn<br />
speakers are considerably longer than those for <strong>the</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn speakers.<br />
As noted, <strong>the</strong>se measurements do not <strong>in</strong>clude <strong>the</strong> breathy voice <strong>in</strong>terval<br />
that tends to be present <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> vowel follow<strong>in</strong>g a postaspirated stop.<br />
Therefore, <strong>the</strong> degree to which <strong>the</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Icel<strong>and</strong>ic speakers postaspirate<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir word-medial fortes may be underestimated.<br />
1 As described <strong>in</strong> section 3.2, postaspiration also occurs after nasals <strong>and</strong>, <strong>in</strong> some cases,<br />
after laterals. However, such contexts are not considered <strong>in</strong> Indriðason et al. (1991).<br />
– 187 –