Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis contrast in the Gräsö dialect is phonetically similar to the fortis vs. lenis contrast in Faroese. In effect, this contrast does not really involve the stop occlusion itself, but instead voicing conditions in the preceding segment. This is the case irrespective of the origin of these stops. For example, lenis stops in Icelandic and Faroese VC syllables have their origins in ON fortis stops. In the Gräsö dialect, the lenes in VC syllables go back to ON voiced fricatives. Despite this, there is no obvious difference in the production of these stops in the two languages. In both cases, the preceding vowel has modal voice throughout, the stop occlusion is voiceless and the release is fairly short with little or no postaspiration. 4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SWEDIA 2000 data In this section, the fortis stop production of six male Gräsö speakers is analysed with regard to duration. The data form part of the SWEDIA 2000 database (Bruce et al. 1999), which contains recordings from more than 100 Swedish dialects (see also Ch. 3, section 3.6). The data analysed here consist of isolated monosyllabic and disyllabic target words, seven with VC syllables (e.g., gata ‘street’) and six with VC syllables (e.g., flytta ‘to move’). The test words were elicited verbally by an interviewer without naming the target word. Once the subjects identified and uttered the target word, they repeated it up to five times. The subjects are categorised into “older” and “younger” speakers, the older speakers being more than 55 years of age and the younger between 20–35 years of age. The data were segmented according to the procedures outlined in section 4.1.2. The range of preaspiration durations in these target words for the six subjects are indicated in the box-and-whisker plots in Figure 4–85 (see also Table 4–15). It is apparent that the three older males had considerable preaspirations in both VC and VC syllables, although the durations were shorter in VC syllables. Of the younger subjects, only YM1 had durations comparable with those of the older subjects. The durations of the remaining two subjects, especially YM3, were far shorter. – 180 –
Table 4–15. Mean preaspiration duration with standard deviations (SD) for fortis stops in VC and VC syllables for the six male Gräsö subjects. OM stands for elderly speakers, and YM stands for younger speakers. Also indicated are Pr/VPr ratios, and the number of tokens (n). Subject Syll. type Pr dur. SD Pr/VPr n OM1 OM2 OM3 YM1 YM2 YM3 VC 64 17 0.23 27 VC 70 21 0.29 26 VC 43 19 0.17 32 VC 62 22 0.30 28 VC 62 10 0.21 26 VC 67 20 0.27 24 VC 57 20 0.19 27 VC 73 20 0.28 25 VC 38 17 0.18 25 VC 36 18 0.24 23 VC 7 8 0.04 23 VC 8 5 0.08 21 However, when the Pr/VPr ratio is considered (i.e., how much of the vowel + preaspiration sequence is taken up by preaspiration), the preaspirations of YM2 turn out to be similar to those of the older subjects. It is evident from Table 4–15 that the mean preaspiration durations for YM2 were only two-thirds or less of the durations of the older subjects. However, his Pr/VPr ratios (i.e., the amount of preaspiration contained in the vowel + preaspiration sequence) were almost on a par with the older subjects. By contrast, YM3’s Pr/VPr ratios were considerably lower. This is especially relevant considering that precisely this ratio is a determinant of perceptual salience for preaspiration in Icelandic (see Ch. 3, section 3.2.2). The lower absolute durations for YM2 may therefore simply mean that he has a faster speech rate; thus, his stops should be considered to be preaspirated. This leaves YM3 as the only Gräsö subject who does not preaspirate. – 181 –
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On <strong>the</strong> whole, <strong>the</strong> fortis vs. lenis contrast <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gräsö dialect is<br />
phonetically similar to <strong>the</strong> fortis vs. lenis contrast <strong>in</strong> Faroese. In effect,<br />
this contrast does not really <strong>in</strong>volve <strong>the</strong> stop occlusion itself, but <strong>in</strong>stead<br />
voic<strong>in</strong>g conditions <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> preced<strong>in</strong>g segment. This is <strong>the</strong> case irrespective<br />
of <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong> of <strong>the</strong>se stops. For example, lenis stops <strong>in</strong> Icel<strong>and</strong>ic <strong>and</strong><br />
Faroese VC syllables have <strong>the</strong>ir orig<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> ON fortis stops. In <strong>the</strong> Gräsö<br />
dialect, <strong>the</strong> lenes <strong>in</strong> VC syllables go back to ON voiced fricatives. Despite<br />
this, <strong>the</strong>re is no obvious difference <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of <strong>the</strong>se stops<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> two languages. In both cases, <strong>the</strong> preced<strong>in</strong>g vowel has modal voice<br />
throughout, <strong>the</strong> stop occlusion is voiceless <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> release is fairly short<br />
with little or no postaspiration.<br />
4.4.4 <strong>Preaspiration</strong> duration — SWEDIA 2000 data<br />
In this section, <strong>the</strong> fortis stop production of six male Gräsö speakers<br />
is analysed with regard to duration. The data form part of <strong>the</strong> SWEDIA<br />
2000 database (Bruce et al. 1999), which conta<strong>in</strong>s record<strong>in</strong>gs from more<br />
than 100 Swedish dialects (see also Ch. 3, section 3.6). The data analysed<br />
here consist of isolated monosyllabic <strong>and</strong> disyllabic target words, seven<br />
with VC syllables (e.g., gata ‘street’) <strong>and</strong> six with VC syllables (e.g.,<br />
flytta ‘to move’). The test words were elicited verbally by an <strong>in</strong>terviewer<br />
without nam<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> target word. Once <strong>the</strong> subjects identified <strong>and</strong> uttered<br />
<strong>the</strong> target word, <strong>the</strong>y repeated it up to five times. The subjects are categorised<br />
<strong>in</strong>to “older” <strong>and</strong> “younger” speakers, <strong>the</strong> older speakers be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
more than 55 years of age <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> younger between 20–35 years of age.<br />
The data were segmented accord<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong> procedures outl<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> section<br />
4.1.2.<br />
The range of preaspiration durations <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se target words for <strong>the</strong> six<br />
subjects are <strong>in</strong>dicated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> box-<strong>and</strong>-whisker plots <strong>in</strong> Figure 4–85 (see<br />
also Table 4–15). It is apparent that <strong>the</strong> three older males had considerable<br />
preaspirations <strong>in</strong> both VC <strong>and</strong> VC syllables, although <strong>the</strong> durations<br />
were shorter <strong>in</strong> VC syllables. Of <strong>the</strong> younger subjects, only YM1 had<br />
durations comparable with those of <strong>the</strong> older subjects. The durations of<br />
<strong>the</strong> rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g two subjects, especially YM3, were far shorter.<br />
– 180 –