Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Weakly aspirated stops occur in wordmedial position before vowels, as well as following fricatives in any position, e.g. sko, muskel, stoppa, skratta, harpa and halta (ibid:267; boldface mine). In a rather fanciful account of the distribution of these stop variants, Lyttkens & Wulff attribute the differences in the degree of aspiration to articulatory factors: In the former case [i.e. in the case of stops following fricatives] the diminished force can be so explained that, as the fricative has expended a great deal of air, and the stop has such a short duration, there is not enough time for new air to accumulate while the stop is being articulated. If the stop comes between two vowels, a strong air pressure could be built up, but this is mitigated through the influence of the vowels on each side, which have a weak expiration and therefore cause an equalisation [of air pressure]. (Lyttkens & Wulff, 1885:267f; my translation) Noreen (1903–7) appears to make a more categorical distinction between aspirated and unaspirated variants. For example, in his discussion of the pronunciation of labial stops in Swedish (ibid:409) he says: Between p and a following voiced sound the aspiration reveals itself in such a way that the voiced sound loses its voicing. […] Only in wordmedial position immediately following s as well as before voiceless and aspirated sounds, at least fricatives and sonorants [resonanter], does p lack aspiration […] and is then similar to the p-sounds of Finnish and French; compare, for example, the unaspirated p in spå, sprida, split, spjäla, vispa, snaps, psykisk, knapphål with the aspirate in på, pris, plit, pjunk, visp (in which the p comes after s, but is not word-medial), knapp. (Noreen, 1903–7:409; my translation) Here, Noreen makes a clear distinction between the aspirated and unaspirated variants, noting that the unaspirated variants are similar to those we generally find in Finnish and French. However, notice that examples of intervocalic p are conspicuous by their absence. This apparent evasiveness is repeated in his discussion of other stops (ibid: pp. 421, 461 and 481). One possible interpretation of this is that Noreen felt that intervocalic stops were aspirated. Alternatively, he may have ascribed the differences in aspiration to an effect of stress. A stop followed by a stressed vowel was more forcefully articulated, and thus had more aspiration, than a stop followed by an unstressed vowel. – 6 –
In most respects, the general description of the distribution of stop variants in Swedish has not changed from the latter half of the 19 th century, and the difference between word-initial and -medial fortis stops still appears to be regarded as a result of context, although this is seldom stated explicitly. For example, Löfqvist & Yoshioka (1980) give the following account: Swedish voiceless stops are aspirated in prestress position and unaspirated when they immediately follow a stressed vowel or /s/. Although this difference between aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops is not phonemic in Swedish, when aspiration occurs it serves as one of the cues for the distinction between voiced and voiceless stops, since the former are always unaspirated. In addition, the presence or absence of aspiration in voiceless stops in some contexts marks the location of a word boundary. (Löfqvist & Yoshioka, 1980:793f) The last remark, that aspiration in stops can be an indicator of a word boundary, appears to be a response to examples in which the placement of a word boundary decides whether a stop is aspirated. For example, Löfqvist & Yoshioka investigated word pairs such as Liszt pilar vs. Lis spelar, in which the former p is aspirated and the latter is not. The effect of word boundary placement had been noted earlier (cf. Lyttkens 1898:25, Noreen 1918-24:24-28, Elert 1957, Gårding 1967), although differences in the degree of aspiration as such are not specifically mentioned. Obviously, the characterisation of a stop system in terms of parameters such as aspiration and voicing is a simplification, especially since it has been demonstrated that a large number of different acoustic cues are relevant for the perception of stop contrasts. Reviewing the research on the perceptual categorisation of initial stops in English, Diehl and Kluender (1987) identify ten acoustic parameters that are relevant for stop category judgements. These include voice-onset time, duration of voiced-formant transitions, onset frequencies (and directions) of first, second and third formants, duration of aspiration, and intensity of aspiration. For stop contrasts in word-medial position in English, Lisker (1978) has compiled an even longer list of cues, including the presence or absence of low-frequency buzz during the closure interval, duration of closure, first-formant offset frequency before closure, voice-onset time after – 7 –
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- Page 4 and 5: PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
- Page 7 and 8: CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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- Page 23 and 24: 2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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- Page 37 and 38: usually expressed as unaspirated an
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- Page 41 and 42: ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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In most respects, <strong>the</strong> general description of <strong>the</strong> distribution of stop<br />
variants <strong>in</strong> Swedish has not changed from <strong>the</strong> latter half of <strong>the</strong> 19 th century,<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> difference between word-<strong>in</strong>itial <strong>and</strong> -medial fortis stops still<br />
appears to be regarded as a result of context, although this is seldom<br />
stated explicitly. For example, Löfqvist & Yoshioka (1980) give <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />
account:<br />
Swedish voiceless stops are aspirated <strong>in</strong> prestress position <strong>and</strong><br />
unaspirated when <strong>the</strong>y immediately follow a stressed vowel or /s/.<br />
Although this difference between aspirated <strong>and</strong> unaspirated voiceless<br />
stops is not phonemic <strong>in</strong> Swedish, when aspiration occurs it serves as<br />
one of <strong>the</strong> cues for <strong>the</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>ction between voiced <strong>and</strong> voiceless stops,<br />
s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> former are always unaspirated. In addition, <strong>the</strong> presence or<br />
absence of aspiration <strong>in</strong> voiceless stops <strong>in</strong> some contexts marks <strong>the</strong><br />
location of a word boundary.<br />
(Löfqvist & Yoshioka, 1980:793f)<br />
The last remark, that aspiration <strong>in</strong> stops can be an <strong>in</strong>dicator of a word<br />
boundary, appears to be a response to examples <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> placement<br />
of a word boundary decides whe<strong>the</strong>r a stop is aspirated. For example,<br />
Löfqvist & Yoshioka <strong>in</strong>vestigated word pairs such as Liszt pilar vs. Lis<br />
spelar, <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> former p is aspirated <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> latter is not. The effect<br />
of word boundary placement had been noted earlier (cf. Lyttkens 1898:25,<br />
Noreen 1918-24:24-28, Elert 1957, Gård<strong>in</strong>g 1967), although differences<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> degree of aspiration as such are not specifically mentioned.<br />
Obviously, <strong>the</strong> characterisation of a stop system <strong>in</strong> terms of parameters<br />
such as aspiration <strong>and</strong> voic<strong>in</strong>g is a simplification, especially s<strong>in</strong>ce it<br />
has been demonstrated that a large number of different acoustic cues are<br />
relevant for <strong>the</strong> perception of stop contrasts. Review<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> research on<br />
<strong>the</strong> perceptual categorisation of <strong>in</strong>itial stops <strong>in</strong> English, Diehl <strong>and</strong><br />
Kluender (1987) identify ten acoustic parameters that are relevant for<br />
stop category judgements. These <strong>in</strong>clude voice-onset time, duration of<br />
voiced-formant transitions, onset frequencies (<strong>and</strong> directions) of first,<br />
second <strong>and</strong> third formants, duration of aspiration, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>tensity of aspiration.<br />
For stop contrasts <strong>in</strong> word-medial position <strong>in</strong> English, Lisker (1978)<br />
has compiled an even longer list of cues, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> presence or absence<br />
of low-frequency buzz dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> closure <strong>in</strong>terval, duration of closure,<br />
first-formant offset frequency before closure, voice-onset time after<br />
– 7 –