Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
that the presence of a voiceless nasal indicates a strong form and that a voiced nasal indicates a weak form. p e h Figure 4–73. Subj. JM: […var] bätt[re att…] ‘…it was better to…’ h p n Figure 4–75. Subj. FJ: .[…den dä]r öppna i[sen…] ‘…that open ice…’ – 176 – r x k Figure 4–74. Subj. JM: [dom] räkna [med…] ‘…they counted on…’ s h k l Figure 4–76. Subj. AM: .[…att] cykla [ner…] ‘…to ride the bike down…’ As in many Scandinavian dialects, the lateral in ON lp and lk sequences is reflected as a retroflex flap in the Gräsö dialect. ON lt sequences, however, are reflected as a lateral approximant or fricative followed by a dental stop. Both types of lateral are, like the nasals, halfvoiced. An example of an lt sequence is given in Figure 4–69. In this case the voiced and voiceless portions are neatly separated, but the
voiced portion is often heavily fricated. Figure 4–70 shows an example of a half-voiced flap. In effect, the production of such sequences involves a fully voiced flap followed by an aspiration (i.e., [h]). The example in Figure 4–70 can thus be transcribed quite accurately as [mh]. The production of rp and rk sequences is quite similar. Figure 4–71 has an example of an rk sequence. First, a voiced alveolar approximant is produced, and then an aspiration. ON rt is reflected simply as a preaspirated retroflex stop in the Gräsö dialect, as shown in the example in Figure 4–72. In both examples of r + stop sequences the preaspiration is fricated, but this should be interpreted as a correlate of the surrounding articulations rather than as a feature of r + stop sequences. Fortis stops + sonorant clusters are preaspirated like other fortis stops in the Gräsö dialect. Examples of such clusters are given in Figures 4–73 through 4–76. Not all possible clusters are represented in the data. However, all clusters present are preaspirated, both in VCC syllables (see, e.g., Figure 4–73) and in VCC syllables (see Figure 4–74). s e k s Figure 4–77. Subj. JM: […än en] sext[io…] ‘…than about sixty.’ – 177 – k s Figure 4–78. Subj. FJ: .lax [var…] ‘Salmon was…’ When a sibilant follows a stop in the Gräsö dialect, the stop is not preaspirated. Examples of this are given in Figures 4–77 and 4–78. In both cases a voiceless unaspirated velar stop is produced, reflecting an ON x. The latter example has a great deal of echo that may, at first sight, look like an aspirative noise, but in actual fact the occlusion phase is quite silent. Note that CSw speakers who preaspirate do so in sequences
- Page 138 and 139: durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
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- Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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- Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
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- Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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voiced portion is often heavily fricated. Figure 4–70 shows an example<br />
of a half-voiced flap. In effect, <strong>the</strong> production of such sequences <strong>in</strong>volves<br />
a fully voiced flap followed by an aspiration (i.e., [h]). The example <strong>in</strong><br />
Figure 4–70 can thus be transcribed quite accurately as [mh].<br />
The production of rp <strong>and</strong> rk sequences is quite similar. Figure 4–71<br />
has an example of an rk sequence. First, a voiced alveolar approximant is<br />
produced, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n an aspiration. ON rt is reflected simply as a preaspirated<br />
retroflex stop <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gräsö dialect, as shown <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> example <strong>in</strong><br />
Figure 4–72. In both examples of r + stop sequences <strong>the</strong> preaspiration is<br />
fricated, but this should be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as a correlate of <strong>the</strong> surround<strong>in</strong>g<br />
articulations ra<strong>the</strong>r than as a feature of r + stop sequences.<br />
Fortis stops + sonorant clusters are preaspirated like o<strong>the</strong>r fortis stops<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gräsö dialect. Examples of such clusters are given <strong>in</strong> Figures 4–73<br />
through 4–76. Not all possible clusters are represented <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> data. However,<br />
all clusters present are preaspirated, both <strong>in</strong> VCC syllables (see,<br />
e.g., Figure 4–73) <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> VCC syllables (see Figure 4–74).<br />
s e k s <br />
Figure 4–77. Subj. JM: […än en]<br />
sext[io…] ‘…than about sixty.’<br />
– 177 –<br />
k s<br />
Figure 4–78. Subj. FJ: .lax [var…]<br />
‘Salmon was…’<br />
When a sibilant follows a stop <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gräsö dialect, <strong>the</strong> stop is not<br />
preaspirated. Examples of this are given <strong>in</strong> Figures 4–77 <strong>and</strong> 4–78. In<br />
both cases a voiceless unaspirated velar stop is produced, reflect<strong>in</strong>g an<br />
ON x. The latter example has a great deal of echo that may, at first sight,<br />
look like an aspirative noise, but <strong>in</strong> actual fact <strong>the</strong> occlusion phase is<br />
quite silent. Note that CSw speakers who preaspirate do so <strong>in</strong> sequences