Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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that the presence of a voiceless nasal indicates a strong form and that a voiced nasal indicates a weak form. p e h Figure 4–73. Subj. JM: […var] bätt[re att…] ‘…it was better to…’ h p n Figure 4–75. Subj. FJ: .[…den dä]r öppna i[sen…] ‘…that open ice…’ – 176 – r x k Figure 4–74. Subj. JM: [dom] räkna [med…] ‘…they counted on…’ s h k l Figure 4–76. Subj. AM: .[…att] cykla [ner…] ‘…to ride the bike down…’ As in many Scandinavian dialects, the lateral in ON lp and lk sequences is reflected as a retroflex flap in the Gräsö dialect. ON lt sequences, however, are reflected as a lateral approximant or fricative followed by a dental stop. Both types of lateral are, like the nasals, halfvoiced. An example of an lt sequence is given in Figure 4–69. In this case the voiced and voiceless portions are neatly separated, but the
voiced portion is often heavily fricated. Figure 4–70 shows an example of a half-voiced flap. In effect, the production of such sequences involves a fully voiced flap followed by an aspiration (i.e., [h]). The example in Figure 4–70 can thus be transcribed quite accurately as [mh]. The production of rp and rk sequences is quite similar. Figure 4–71 has an example of an rk sequence. First, a voiced alveolar approximant is produced, and then an aspiration. ON rt is reflected simply as a preaspirated retroflex stop in the Gräsö dialect, as shown in the example in Figure 4–72. In both examples of r + stop sequences the preaspiration is fricated, but this should be interpreted as a correlate of the surrounding articulations rather than as a feature of r + stop sequences. Fortis stops + sonorant clusters are preaspirated like other fortis stops in the Gräsö dialect. Examples of such clusters are given in Figures 4–73 through 4–76. Not all possible clusters are represented in the data. However, all clusters present are preaspirated, both in VCC syllables (see, e.g., Figure 4–73) and in VCC syllables (see Figure 4–74). s e k s Figure 4–77. Subj. JM: […än en] sext[io…] ‘…than about sixty.’ – 177 – k s Figure 4–78. Subj. FJ: .lax [var…] ‘Salmon was…’ When a sibilant follows a stop in the Gräsö dialect, the stop is not preaspirated. Examples of this are given in Figures 4–77 and 4–78. In both cases a voiceless unaspirated velar stop is produced, reflecting an ON x. The latter example has a great deal of echo that may, at first sight, look like an aspirative noise, but in actual fact the occlusion phase is quite silent. Note that CSw speakers who preaspirate do so in sequences
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
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in VC syllables in their speech, ju
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Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
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long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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grams), with the occasional aid of
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quantity system instead of the ON f
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ON flytja). There are no examples o
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Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
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whether she thinks that leaving out
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(Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
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(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
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stop sequences that remain to be di
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do occur systematic linguistic diff
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Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
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There are very few examples of clus
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Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
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one hand, speakers have a tendency
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ecent studies that corroborate thes
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example, in a particular dialect, t
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does not give her segmentation crit
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Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
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approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
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1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
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1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
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Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
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and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
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ducing breathiness into the voice q
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Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
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4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
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very large, since postaspiration wa
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Several spectrographic examples of
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The data indicate that there is lit
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produced and in 9 cases there were
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To examine effects of syllable stru
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preaspiration for lexically stresse
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
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Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
Page 174 and 175: closure gesture. As the escape chan
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Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
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Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
Page 218 and 219: that the ON word-initial lenes have
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Page 226 and 227: stops that we find in, for example,
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Page 230 and 231: Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
Page 232 and 233: On a quite different note, Liberman
Page 234 and 235: dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
Page 236 and 237: (1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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