Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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Many instances of word-medial fortis stops in both VC and VC syllables seem to lack preaspiration (see, e.g., Figure 4–60). Short preaspiration duration is particularly associated with unstressed syllables or syllables with low prominence. Similar tendencies are found in both Icelandic (cf. Helgason 1991) and Faroese. h s p x k Figure 4–62. Subj. AM: .[…och] skötte spaka(rna). ‘…and handled the levers.’ h p m h k Figure 4–63. Subj. FJ: […gick sjöv]attnet upp mycket [då…] ‘…the (sea)water level rose a lot, then…’ As explained earlier, the majority of the Gräsö examples shown here are from the speech of JM, because of the superior sound quality of his recordings. Figures 4–62 and 4–63 give examples of preaspirations in the speech of the other two subjects, AM and FJ. Preaspiration durations in – 172 –
these examples are roughly as indicated above, ranging from approximately 30–60 ms. In both figures, the echo in stop closures from a preceding vowel is quite marked. Note particularly the strong echo given off by the mid open vowel at the onset of Figure 4–63, which continues well into the stop’s closure phase. As Faroese, Gräsö preaspirations assimilate to their surroundings. For example, in Figures 4–56, 4–57 and 4–59 the preaspiration is coloured, in some degree, by the place of articulation of the following stop closure. In Figures 4–56 and 4–57, only the final portion of the preaspiration is produced with such friction. In Figure 4–59, the velar friction is motivated by the fact that both the preceding vowel and the following stop closure have velar components. To this is added the labiality of the preceding vowel. In Figure 4–58, where a mid front unrounded vowel is followed by a dental stop, there is no apparent friction of this kind. Looking at Figures 4–56 through 4–59, one can also observe that there is no postaspiration present in these stops but only a release noise. As Faroese and the Western Åland dialect, there is a tendency for stops to be produced without full stop closure, which leads to friction. In the Gräsö data, this is quite noticeable in the speech of FJ, but occurs to a much lesser extent in the speech of AM and JM. One example of this type is given in Figure 4–61. k e Figure 4–64. Subj. JM: .[…alldeles] grönt de[t.] ‘…absolutely green it (was)…’ – 173 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
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in VC syllables in their speech, ju
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Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
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long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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grams), with the occasional aid of
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quantity system instead of the ON f
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ON flytja). There are no examples o
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Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
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whether she thinks that leaving out
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(Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
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(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
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stop sequences that remain to be di
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do occur systematic linguistic diff
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Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
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There are very few examples of clus
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Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
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one hand, speakers have a tendency
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ecent studies that corroborate thes
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example, in a particular dialect, t
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does not give her segmentation crit
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Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
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approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
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1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
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1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
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Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
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and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
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ducing breathiness into the voice q
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Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
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4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
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very large, since postaspiration wa
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Several spectrographic examples of
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The data indicate that there is lit
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produced and in 9 cases there were
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
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Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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Page 204 and 205: lenes are often produced with a voi
Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
Page 208 and 209: inte ‘not’ without the final vo
Page 210 and 211: ange for the remaining subjects is
Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
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Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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Page 226 and 227: stops that we find in, for example,
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Page 230 and 231: Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
Page 232 and 233: On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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