Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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fricative constriction cannot be attributed to either one separately, but can instead be seen as a combination of the two. x k f Figure 4–48. Subj. BJ: eg rokni við… ‘I figure…’ – 164 – v h Figure 4–49. Subj. BJ: EI: […eitt] vatn [tú…] ‘…a lake you…’ In a sequence of a back, open vowel and a dental stop, as in Figures 4–49 and 4–50, it is easier to identify the source of the friction, since the maximal constriction for the vowel and the place of articulation for the stop are so distinct. In Figure 4–49, modal voice offset and full voice offset are nearly simultaneous. During the initial 50 ms of preaspiration, the friction is glottal. Towards the end, during the last 15 ms of friction, the closure gesture leaves its mark in the form of a mirrored release. v h Figure 4–50. Subj. EI: […eitt] vatn [har…] ‘…a lake here…’ p h x k Figure 4–51. Subj. SG: […ella] bakka[r ella…] ‘…or hills or…’
In Figure 4–50 (in which the same speaker produces another instance of the same word) the friction noise begins as glottal, then becomes uvular and the whole latter part of the friction noise is produced as a uvular trill. The uvular striations are clearly visible in the spectrogram. Since this friction has nothing to do with the stop’s place of articulation, one can possibly attribute it to the maximal constriction in the vowel. One could also see this friction as an “enhancement” of the weaker glottal friction. In Figure 4–51, the vowel is followed by an approximately 40 ms period of aspiration, with no apparent supralaryngeal constriction. Then, a velar constriction is formed and maintained for about 60 ms. The velar constriction could be attributed to the stop’s place of articulation, but bearing in mind the previous examples of the production of vatn, in which uvular friction was produced, this account may be too simplistic. Possibly, one should attribute this friction to the combined effect of the vocalic environment and the stop’s place of articulation. It should also be noted that the duration of the velar constriction in this example makes it unreasonable to see it as merely a by-product of the closure gesture. f h Figure 4–52. Inf. BJ: […sovorðnum] flottum [geviri…] ‘…such fine antlers…’ In Figure 4–52, a sequence of a half-open, back, rounded vowel and a dental stop is produced, so again, we can separate the friction associated with the vowel from that associated with the stop. The friction noise – 165 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
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in VC syllables in their speech, ju
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Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
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long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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grams), with the occasional aid of
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quantity system instead of the ON f
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ON flytja). There are no examples o
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Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
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whether she thinks that leaving out
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(Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
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(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
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stop sequences that remain to be di
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do occur systematic linguistic diff
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Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
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There are very few examples of clus
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Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
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one hand, speakers have a tendency
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ecent studies that corroborate thes
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example, in a particular dialect, t
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does not give her segmentation crit
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Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
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approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
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1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
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1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
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Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
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and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
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ducing breathiness into the voice q
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Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
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4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
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Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
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Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
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Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
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Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
Page 208 and 209: inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
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Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
Page 218 and 219: that the ON word-initial lenes have
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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